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Envelope Please - Unwrapping Oscar's Origin Stories

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The “Oscar” – the golden statuette handed out annually since 1929 by the American Academy of Motion Pictures Arts and Sciences to reward outstanding artistic and scientific achievement in motion pictures – is arguably one of the most recognizable images in American pop-culture.  And yet, despite the glare of the spotlight through nearly nine decades of interest in the subject, the origin of the familiar name is still unknown.

The Academy itself does not seem to know.[i]  Its website merely notes that the origins “aren’t clear.”  They do, however, briefly mention one popular story involving a long-time Executive Secretary of the Academy, Margaret Herrick, who is rumored to have said upon first seeing the statuettes that they reminded her of her “Uncle Oscar.”  They also suggest that the name was “widely known enough” by 1934 that a Hollywood columnist used the name in print in 1934.

The earliest known example of “Oscar” in print is from Sidney Skolsky’s report of the sixth-annual Academy Awards ceremonies held in 1934.  Skolsky had been an entertainment columnist for the New York Daily News since 1929, working out of New York and concentrating, for the most part, on Broadway, but also covering Hollywood news from a distance.  But in July 1933, Skolsky moved out to Hollywood to cover the growing industry up close and personal. 

In March of 1934, he attended his first Academy Awards ceremony in person.  His column the next day includes the earliest known example of “Oscar” in print. 

Films Crown Hepburn, Laughton Year’s Best
By Sidney Skolsky.

Hollywood, March 16. – The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences made its annual awards for the outstanding achievements in the motion picture field at their banquet in the Ambassador Hotel this evening.

These awards mean to Hollywood what the Pulitzer prize means to the dramatists and novelists.  It is the picture people’s main incentive to strive for an “artistic achievement” in an industry where their worth is judged by box office figures.

At tonight’s banquet the winners, while movieland looked on and applauded, were presented with bronze statues.  To the profession these statues are called Oscars.

Daily News(New York), March 17, 1934, page 3.

Despite his initial suggestion that the name was already known in “the profession,” Skolsky later took credit for coining the name himself, motivated, he claims, by a desire to take some starch out of a pompous, stuffy affair.

“It happened the year Katharine Hepburn won the Award for ‘Morning Glory’ and Laughton won for ‘King Henry VIII.’” Skolsky enlightened us.  “Everyone kept writing and prattling about the gold statuette and the gleaming  statuette and everyone invested the entire Award with too much dignity . . . So I decided to give the statuette a simpler name, and also one that would kid it good-naturedly.  I thought of the most unlikely name, Oscar, and referred to it as such.  The name caught on.”

Modern Screen, Volume 23, Number 6, November 1941, page 85.

Years later, Skolsky added more detail to the story.  He explained why he initially avoided taking credit for the name – to avoid criticism if people were offended.  He suggested an additional motivation to coin the name – journalistic efficiency, he didn’t like referring to it as “the gold statuette” over and over.  And he added an additional detail about the specific motivation to use the name “Oscar” – “a pit orchestra leader named Oscar.”


I remember clearly that I named Oscar.  I swear on a stack of Oscars my story is true.  I had been transferred by the New York Daily News to Hollywood.  Covering my first Academy Awards banquet and still regarding myself as a Broadwayite, I though Hollywood was taking their awards too seriously.  In particular, I couldn’t tolerate speaker after speaker referring to the Award as “the gold statuette.”  It continued for hours: “The gold statuette for the best performance by an actress to Katharine Hepburn for Morning Glory.  The gold statuette for the best performance by an actor to Charles Laughton for Henry VIII.  The gold statuette for the best motion picture to Cavalcade.”

After the Awards, I rushed to Western Union to file my story.  I decided to give the readers as little of the “gold statuette” as possible.  I tried to think of a comedy name, in a hurry.  A name that would remove some of the pompousness from the entire affair.  I remembered a pit orchestra leader named Oscar.  The vaudevillians got laughs when they’d call him Oscar.  I’d do it.  But I better be a little careful; poking fun at Hollywood’s most important event my first time at bat.  I covered myself by writing that “to the profession these statues are called Oscars.”  They weren’t going to catch me with my gold statuette down.

. . .  If anyone can produce a clipping in which the gold statuette is called Oscar before the year 1934, I’ll deliver Marlon Brando to her personally.

Modern Screen,  Volume 50, Number 4, April, 1956, page 80.

No one ever claimed the reward. 

Two decades later, Skolsky provided additional details which explained why the audience laughed when the vaudevillians called the orchestra leader Oscar.

In his book Don’t Get Me Wrong—I Love Hollywood(1975), Skolsky wrote:

I needed the magic name fast. But fast! I remembered the vaudeville shows I’d seen. The comedians having fun with the orchestra leader in the pit would say, “Will you have a cigar, Oscar?” The orchestra leader reached for it; the comedians backed away, making a comical remark. The audience laughed at Oscar. I started hitting the keys. “Katharine Hepburn won the Oscar for her performance as Eva Lovelace in Morning Glory, her third Hollywood film.” I felt better. I was having fun. I filed and forgot.


Sidney Skolsky’s basic story didn’t change with each retelling, but it is curious that he added details with each retelling, instead of giving a full account in the first place.  He swore on a stack of Oscars and offered a tongue-in-cheek reward for evidence of earlier use.  Tongue-in-cheek or not, no one claimed the reward and no one in the six decades since has come up with contemporary evidence disproving his claim. 

But that’s not to say there aren’t other stories, written years after 1934, suggesting that Skolsky’s original claim was true and the name was known in the profession before he wrote his first Academy Award column in 1934.


Walt Disney

Walt Disney did not coin the name, “Oscar,” but may have restored the shine of an otherwise simple, undignified name.  Nearly four decades after the fact, Frances Marion, an early two-time Academy Award winning screenwriter (1931 best screenplay, The Big House; 1932 best story, The Champ), wrote that Walt Disney, who received the award for Best Animated Short for The Three Little Pigs at the same March 1934 awards ceremony Skolsky attended, referred to his golden statuette as “Oscar” in his acceptance speech that night. 

As 1935 dawned, the American producers began to draw more talent from England. . . . Perhaps it was one of the reasons why some of the glitter had worn off this former gala event, and those who had never won the gold-plated honor now referred to it disparagingly as the “Oscar.” . . .

Up went a roar of approval for Walt Disney, and momentarily all the petty ills of human nature seemed to vanish as he smiled upon the audience.  Who could be envious of this young man who had again brought our childhood back to us with his Three Little Pigs?  When Walt referred to the “Oscar,” that name took on a different meaning, now that we had heard it spoken with sincere appreciation.”

Frances Marion, Off With Their Heads: A Serio-comic Tale of Hollywood, New York, Macmillan, 1972, pages 242-243.

If her recollection were correct, Sidney Skolsky’s claim would be in jeopardy.  It’s possible, however, that Marion may have misremembered the ceremony at which she recalls Disney having called his golden statuette “Oscar.”  Walt Disney won a lot of Osacars.  Walt Disney received an Academy Award every year from 1932 through 1940, took the year off in 1941 and won two more in 1942 and 1943.

Assuming she’s right, or taking Sidney Skolsky’s first “Oscar” reference on its face, someone else must have coined the name.  The leading candidate is Margaret Herrick.  She was certainly in a position to name the statuette.  But her story is problematic, changing over the years on various details.  At first she said the name came from a silly expression, “Uncle Oscar,” she and her husband would say to each other.  Later, she said the statue looked like an actual uncle named Oscar.  Later still, the uncle became a first cousin, once removed.  The changes are curious, given that Herrick’s long-standing association with the Academy as librarian and later Executive Secretary of the Academy put her in position to control the story.

Herrick’s story first appeared at the same time reports surfaced of the Academy’s resistance to others using the name, suggesting, perhaps, that the Academy created the story in an effort to reclaim or control an increasingly valuable trademark. 


Margaret (Gledhill) Herrick

Margaret Buck was born in Spokane, Washington in 1902.  In 1930, she lived with her parents in Yakima, Washington,[ii]where she was head librarian for the city’s library.  She came from a long line of strong and successful men and women, so perhaps it’s not surprising that she would rise to the top of such an influential organization, even if she had to start at the bottom, without pay, supporting her husband’s career. 

Her great-grandfather, Chauncey Kellogg, wrote the first and last drafts of the Wisconsin state constitution before statehood in 1848.  His daughter Francena (Margaret’s grandmother) was in the first graduating class of Lawrence University in Appleton, Wisconsin, and joined its faculty after graduation in 1857.  Margaret’s grandfather, Norman Buck, may have been one of Francena’s students; he graduated from Lawrence in 1859, after which they were engaged.[iii] 

His law school and the Civil War got in the way and their engagement stretched out to six years.  Norman served as an officer in the Union Army and Francena was a wartime nurse in Tennessee and Washington DC.  They moved to Minnesota after the war, where Norman became a prosecuting attorney for Winona County, where  he is said to have been a “member of the party . . . that captured a couple of the bold, bad James boys [(Jesse James’ gang)] after they had penetrated as far north as Northfield, Minnesota.”[iv]
Margaret Herrick with her father, Nathan K. Buck, at the 100th anniversary of Lawrence University’s first graduating class.

The Bucks eventually left Minnesota for Lewiston, Idaho and later Spokane, Washington, with Norman serving as a Judge in both cities.  His son, Nathaniel Buck (Margaret’s father), followed in his father’s footsteps, becoming an attorney and eventually a judge in Yakima, Washington.

In about 1931, Margaret Buck of Yakima married Donald Gledhill of Hollywood.  Donald had been working as an assistant to Lester Cowan, the Executive Secretary of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, since early 1929, after having worked for newspapers in Denver, Colorado and San Jose, California.  He arrived at about the same time the Academy handed out its first awards in May 1929, but it’s not clear whether he arrived just before or just after the affair. 

The new Mrs. Gledhill put her library experience to good use as the Academy’s first part-time librarian in about 1931, a job that soon became full-time but remained unpaid.  

Both Don and Margaret Gledhill seem to have had some experience or interest in photography, or at least acquired those skills after they started working at the Academy.  Donald, for example, wrote technical articles about cameras and film for industry magazines.  And in 1939, the two of them developed an early micro-fiche-style camera system for reducing the storage space of library card-catalogues and books, to be read through a slide viewer.

Bakersfield Californian, April 24, 1939, page 14.

Margaret Gledhill did not confine her volunteer efforts to the Academy.  She was the “state chairman of motion pictures” for the American Association of University Women and lectured and advocated for the use of educational films in the classroom.  If you are of a certain age and recall the hypnotic clickity-clack of a flickering projector in the back of a darkened classroom, she may have played a role in making it possible for you to take a nap in class now and then.

Don Gledhill was promoted to Executive Secretary of the Academy in 1933, continuing in that position until his induction into the Army Signal Corps in January 1943. 

Don Gledhill informing Bette Davis of her election as President of the Adacemy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. Los Angeles Times, November 8, 1941, page 5.

With her husband off at war, and with her intimate knowledge of the inner workings of the Academy, she stepped into his shoes and out of his shadow as the “temporary” Executive Secretary in his absence.  And with her husband off at war, they would divorce, she remarried, temporary became permanent, and Mrs. Margaret Herrick became Executive Secretary of the Academy, a position she held until her retirement in 1971.  The Academy’s library bears her name  – the Margaret Herrick Library.  Some now credit her with giving the Oscar its name, but it wasn’t always that way.

In 1936, two years after Sidney Skolsky first used the name “Oscar” in print, Betty Davis famously referred to her award for Jezebel as “Oscar” during the post-awards interviews, sparking the long-lasting rumor that she coined the name that evening.  It didn’t hurt that her husband’s middle name was Oscar. 



Oscar – the name bestowed by Hollywood’s irreverent upon the gold-plated brass statuettes awarded by the movie academy for achievement – went to Bette with an unexpressed apology from filmland. . . . [She should have won a year earlier] 

“Oscar”, the name given the gold-plated little statue the movie academy gives for the year’s best film acting, now decorates the home of Mr. and Mrs. Harmon O. Nelson, where Bette Davis manages the meals.

The Record (Hackensack, New Jersey), March 17, 1936, page 5.

Contemporary accounts of the event did not suggest that she named the award for her husband.  Later accounts, however, filled the narrative void, while mixing up other facts.

Bette Davis called her Academy statuette “Oscar” at the presentation because that’s hubby “Ham” Nelson’s middle name.  Sid Skolsky picked it up and made much of it in his column, and now everyone calls the little jiggers “Oscar.”

“Cinemacaroni,” Robert Tobey, International Photographer, Volume 8, Number 3, April 1936, page 32.

The myth persisted.

Motion Picture Daily, February 27, 1939, page 11.


But despite Bette Davis’ recent, widely reported public use of the name, the name itself was still commonly seen as “irreverent.”

Reno Gazette-Journal, March 6, 1937, page 9.

Nevertheless, and despite the Academy’s best efforts and better judgment, the name stuck.  Interest in the name and its origins was on the rise in 1939 – much to the chagrin of the Academy.

For reasons not apparent, persons and press within and outside the motion picture industry disclosed at the time of last week’s awards presentation much more than the usual curiosity in the reason why the Academy of Motion Picture Arts’ awards statuettes are called “Oscars.”

. . . Academy awards officials this year were quite perturbed by the continuance of the use of the word “Oscar” but couldn’t do anything about it.

Motion Picture Herald, Volume 134, Number 9, March 4, 1939, page 47.

To set the record straight or perhaps to reclaim and control an increasingly valuable name, an “authentic source” released a new story placing Academy insiders in the middle of the action.  The name started as a pet expression playfully exchanged between the Gledhills, and was soon adopted by the “whole staff”.

One authentic source says that it started in a bit of badinage between Donald Gledhill, Academy executive secretary, and his wife.

According to this story, Mrs. Gledhill and Don would exchange flippant remarks, such as “How’s your Uncle Oscar?”

One time, Mrs. Gledhill visited Don at his Academy office, and he asked, “How’s your Uncle Oscar?”

Mrs. Gledhill, the story continues, hesitated for a bit, and then pointed to one of the Academy statuettes: “There’s Uncle Oscar now. Why don’t you ask him?”

An Academy staff member happened to be in the room, and soon the whole staff took up the word.  It spread, until now virtually everyone in Hollywood knows the name refers to the statuette.

Motion Picture Herald, Volume 134, Number 9, March 4, 1939, page 47.

A similar story a few years later repeated most of the same details, but got the date wrong by at least a couple years.  


First to use the name Oscar was Mrs. Donald Gledhill, wife of the academy’s executive secretary.

She and her husband kidded each other with the expression “How’s your Uncle Oscar?”  Visiting her husband’s office one day in 1936, Mrs. Gledhill saw one of the statuettes on his desk.  “Oh!” she exclaimed, “so that’s your Uncle Oscar!”  Officials of the academy took up the name.  Bette’s press agent heard about it and credited it to the actress.

Ithaca Journal(Ithaca, New York), February 11, 1943, page 14.

Another version of the same story appeared a few years later with a timeline that made more sense, but this time the statue looked like an actual uncle named Oscar, instead of being just a flippant, kidding expression.  And instead of staff members overhearing the name and taking it up, it was a newspaper columnist.

In 1931, Donald Gledhill, executive secretary of the Academy, brought his new bride to the office for the first time, and showed her a gold statuette on his desk.  Mrs. Gledhill, who now serves as secretary while her husband fights for Uncle Sam as a captain, studied the statuette carefully.  She noted its square jaw and sharp, mannish features.

“Reminds me of my Uncle Oscar,” she remarked.  Outside the door sat a newspaper columnist, waiting for a friend.  Overhearing the reference to Oscar, he published a single line in his column next day:

“Academy employes have affectionately dubbed their famous gold statuette – Oscar.”

Arizona Republic (Phoenix, Arizona), April 9, 1944, page 30.

If a newspaper columnist did use the word the next day, no one has been able to find it. 

A later version of the story shared the same timeline, but changed the uncle to a first cousin once-removed.

Back in 1931 when Mrs. Herrick was first introduced to the statuette, she took a quick look and then, in a flurry of surprise, remarked, “He reminds me of my Uncle Oscar”.

As a matter of record, Uncle Oscar Pierce wasn’t actually Mrs. Herrick’s uncle at all, but a first cousin of Mrs. Herrick’s mother.

Motion Picture Herald, Volume 168, Number 10, September 6, 1947, page 29.  

By 1947, the Academy reportedly adopted the actual “Uncle Oscar” story as its “official” version of events.  This version supports the suggestion that “Oscar” was first used facetiously.

Who is Oscar – and why?  It’s the name attached to the golden statuette, of course, that is annually awarded to Academy champions. . . .

Officially, the Academy itself attributes its origin to Margaret Herrick, executive secretary, who, in 1931, is credited with having said of a statuette, “Oh, he reminds me of my Uncle Oscar.”

. . . In the early days Oscar was a facetious term; today it has acquired far more dignity.  Anyway, Oscar it is, until a better nickname is found.

Los Angeles Times, January 12, 1947, page 27.

Mrs. Herrick was still telling the story in 1956, this time with more genealogical information to identify the “uncle” who purportedly inspired the name.  This version adds the detail that she named it on her first day as the Academy’s librarian in 1931.

The golden figure was still without a name that day in 1931 when Mrs. Margaret Herrick, present executive secretary of the Academy, reported for her first day’s work as librarian.  A copy of the statuette stood on an executive’s desk and she was formally introduced to it as the foremost member of the organization.

She regarded it a moment.  “He reminds me,” she observed, “of my Uncle Oscar.”

Nearby sat a newspaper columnist and the next day his syndicated copy contained the line “Employes have affectionately dubbed their famous statuette ‘Oscar.’”  From that day on he has been Oscar.

Mrs. Herrick’s “Uncle Oscar,” is not her uncle at all, but is in fact a second cousin.  This man who so vicariously came into fame around the world is Oscar Pierce, of a wealthy Western pioneer family, formerly living in Texas.  He did well in wheat and fruit and some years ago retired in California.  The relationship is through first cousinship to Ada Morie, now Mrs. N. K. Buck of Yakima, Wash., mother of Mrs. Herrick of the Academy.

Mrs. Herrick disclaims any marked resemblance between Oscar and Uncle Oscar, and admits now her history-making words were voiced in utter whimsy.  Lots of history is made that way.

The Times(Shreveport, Louisiana), March 16, 1956, page 18.

Margaret Herrick’s account of the naming raises several questions.  If it is true, as some versions of the story claim, that a reporter, gossip columnist or syndicated columnist overheard the name and wrote about it the next day, where is the evidence of that first article?  And if others picked it up after that article in 1931, why did it not appear in print for three more years?  Which version of the story would be more reliable, the earliest version (1939) in which “Uncle Oscar” was just an inside joke of sorts between her and her husband, or later versions, in which “Uncle Oscar” is said to be an actual human?  Furthermore, if the Gledhills are in the perfect position to control the story and ensure its accuracy, why did it change over time?  A cynic (or any rational person) might consider it suspicious that the Academy first circulated a story about their own officials coining the name at the same time they reportedly resisted its use by others.  Might they have been trying to manufacture a case for first use of an emerging, valuable trademark?

If we accept the earliest version of events, that it was a pet phrase and not an actual person, it raises the question of whether there was some pop-culture source of “Uncle Oscar” that might have contributed to it becoming a funny pet expression used by the Gledhills.

I looked for one – and I found a candidate; a candidate which is in all likelihood unrelated, but which presents a tantalizingly seductive, striking and uncanny coincidence that almost makes me want to believe.

The cast of characters in Frank Willard’s  syndicated comic strip, Moon Mullins, included a character named “Uncle Oscar” and his niece (Moon Mullins’ sister) “Emmy”.   “Uncle Oscar” and “Emmy” appeared together in Moon Mullins from 1925 through 1933. 

Los Angeles Times, February 13, 1928, page 10.

Daily News(New York), September 28, 1933, page 47.


“Uncle Oscar” and “Emmy.”  What are the chances?   I guess in hindsight the chances are 100%, but that’s not to say there is an actual causal connection.  Still, it’s an interesting coincidence, but not unprecedented.    In another cosmic coincidence, the original image that served as the model for Mad Magazine’s iconic Alfred E. Neuman was taken from a poster advertising a play entitled, “The New Boy”; Neuman (New Man) – “New Boy”; almost certainly unrelated, but still a head-scratcher. See my earlier piece, The Real Alfred E.

For the record, “Emmy” is said to come from “Immy,”in reference to the Image-Orthicon tube, an important technical innovation in television.[v]  With Oscar then a well-established name, the television academy set out intentionally to find a name for their own statuette.  Their statuette was a woman, calling for a woman’s name. 

In 1948 Charles Brown, then president of the fledgling academy, named a committee to select award-winners for that year.  He also asked for suggestions as to what the symbol would be called and what it would look like.

Many people thought “Iconoscope” (for image orthicon tube) would be an impressive title . . . but it was pointed out that folks would invariably shorten that to “Ike” a name reserved for Dwight Eisenhower.

“Tilly” (would you believe . . . for television?) was another favorite in the race.  But in the end “Emmy”, a derivative of “Immy” (a nickname for the image orthicon tube) was chosen.  The name was suggested by pioneer television engineer Harry Lubcke (president of the academy in 1949-1950).

Fort Lauderdale News (Fort Lauderdale, Florida), May 22, 1970, page 40F.

The name was associated with the statue even fore it was awarded.


Actress Adele Mara holds the “Emmy,” television’s version of the movies’ “Oscar.”  The statuette will be awarded at Los Angeles tonight to the most outstanding television program at the first annual awards dinner of the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Press and Sun-Bulletin (Binghamton, New York), January 25, 1949, page 21.

Moon Mullinswould have been a more interesting story.

Sadly, without similarly detailed account of how “Oscar” got its name, we are left to sift through the various, competing stories and unanswered questions.


Other Oscars

If we consider the Herrick story unreliable and the Skolsky story true, it raises further questions.  If we buy his first version of the story, that he merely selected a simple, undignified name, then why “Oscar”?  Oscar Hammerstein was already a famous, successful, distinguished writer.   There were plenty of other distinguished Oscars around.  What was so undignified about Oscar? 

If we buy his second version of the story, that he remembered a pit orchestra conductor named Oscar, who was that conductor?

If we discount Herrick’s story and take Skolsky’s original Oscar article at face value (that the name was already in use in the profession), then are there any other likely candidates? 


Oscar Baum

Oscar Baum was a movie palace and Vaudeville orchestra conductor who regularly performed in the largest movie houses in Hollywood and Los Angeles during the period in which “Oscar” was coined.  If Sidney Skolsky did, in fact, remember a pit orchestra conductor named Oscar, he might easily have seen Oscar Baum perform in Hollywood or Los Angeles.  He might even have seen him in New York before moving out to Hollywood.  There’s no direct evidence that Oscar Baum is THE Oscar, but his story is interesting in its own right and illustrates a lost corner of pop-culture.  And perhaps he is THE Oscar, even if we may never know for certain.

Before motion pictures, Vaudeville houses provided nightly entertainment.  The shows would typically include singers, acrobats, comedians, skits and a play.  The first motion pictures were typically shown as one act of many in a full evening of otherwise live Vaudeville entertainment.  Over time, as film became main draw, many theaters continued providing live, Vaudeville entertainment before or after the show.  People were accustomed to seeing live performances and did not have television sit-coms or a music listening devices to go home to, so they might as well hang out at the theater and sit through a film and then enjoy all of the old jokes or a new skit or a song and dance.

Before synchronized sound reproduction in movies, many silent movie theaters provided mood music or sound effects to accompany the films.  In small towns, the music might be a piano, automated player piano or organ.  In larger towns, the music might come from a “Fotoplayer,” an elaborate combination player piano/organ/sound effects device.  A larger theater in a large city might provide a full orchestra; or if a Vaudeville troupe were in town with their own band or orchestra, they might provide the musical accompaniment.


Combination film/Vaudeville entertainments continued even after sound film started to dominate the industry.  Some of the larger movie houses in the bigger cities even provided full orchestral musical accompaniment to augment sound motion pictures with higher quality and richer sound than could be achieved by early sound playback techniques.  This was the world in which Oscar Baum’s career took off.

Oscar Baum started his career in Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota.  He had been a decent violinist of some local note, but he found his true calling in writing, arranging and conducting music for large motion picture palaces. 

His talents secured an invitation to work at Paramount theaters in New York City, where he spent less than a year before being transferred to the Paramount theaters in Hollywood in late-1930.

Oscar Baum’s L. A. debut.  Los Angeles Times, December 4, 1930, page 29.

Los Angeles Times, December 12, 1930.

Throughout the early and mid-1930s, Oscar Baum performed at various times at Publix, Paramount, Grauman’s Chinese, and Warner Brothers’ Theaters in Los Angeles and Hollywood, including several Grand Openings of major films at Grauman’s Chinese[vi]and at least one appearance on film, “leading an orchestra in a sequence of the picture,” Footlight Parade, starring James Cagney and Joan Blondell.  At times he arranged and staged original “Prologues,” musical reviews performed before a feature movie; at times he gave directed live orchestras supplementing the soundtrack of a sound film; at other times he performed through a six-act Vaudeville show before or after a feature film; and sometimes did all three on the same bill. 

PARAMOUNT
PUTT-PUTT
(Reviewed Feb. 12)

Oscar Baum still welding a graceful baton.  When he slices the air with that stick of his’n you hear music.

Inside Facts of Stage and Screen, February 21, 1931, page 10.


ON THE STAGE
Spectacular in Thrilla and Beauty, “DAMES and DOUGHBOYS”
With
Bobby Gilbert
And a gala cast of other artists.
OSCAR BAUM

Los Angeles Times, September 25, 1931, page 11.


WARNER BROS. (DOWNTOWN)
. . . Six acts vaudeville, Oscar Baum and his orchestra.

Motion Picture Daily, November 16, 1934, page 13.


WARNER BROS. DOWNTOWN – 
. . . 6 acts Vaudeville, Oscar Baum and orchestra.

Motion Picture Daily, January 4, 1935, page 12.


Selecting an orchestra director of nation-wide reputation to feature his return as producer to the Chinese Theater, Sid Grauman named Oscar Baum, formerly of the Paramount Theater, New York, to wield the baton with a largely augmented orchestra.

Baum directs the music of the elaborate prologue of “Hell Divers,” the current attraction at the theater.  He has had symphony orchestra experience, being a violinist of note.  He has directed orchestras for a number of years, including the organization at the Minnesota Theater, Minneapolis, one of the largest theaters in the Middle West.  From there he went to the Paramount Theater, New York, playing there and at the Brooklyn Paramount alternately.  He brings a wide experience of showmanship with him to the Chinese and his experience will be in line with the spectacular events which feature this house.

Los Angeles Times, January 3, 1932, part III, page 15.

If, as Sidney Skolsky suggests, a pit orchestra conductor named “Oscar” inspired the name of the Academy Award statuette, Oscar Baum is as good (or better) a candidate as any. 

And to top it all off, the only photograph of Oscar Baum in action I could dig up shows him wielding an over-sized conductor’s baton, perhaps reminiscent of the long sword held by an Oscar statuette. 

Coincidence or clue?


The “Have a Cigar” Bit

The 1975 version of Sidney Skolsky’s “Oscar” origin story refers to comedians saying, “Will you have a cigar, Oscar?” to an orchestra leader who reached for it, they backed away, and the audience laughed at Oscar.  As noted above, there was, in fact, an orchestra leader named Oscar who worked with Vaudeville comedians. 

There was also at one time a Vaudeville or Burlesque routine referred to as the, “’Have a cigar’ bit”; a bit that involved the musical director.  Might this be the act, or an earlier version of a similar act, that Skolsky remembered, if in fact he coined the expression as he claims.

Brief references to the “’have a cigar’ bit” appear in reviews of two different Burlesque acts in The New York Clipper in 1921.

Johnny Kane sang “Save Your Daylight” with the chorus and did it well.

In the “Have a Cigar” bit given by Jordan, Kane and the musical director they put it over well.

New York Clipper, June 15, 1921, page 16.


The “husband” bit was performed by Barrett, Mitchell, Blodgett, Johnson and the misses Hamilton and Stewart.

The “have a cigar” bit was the next.  Barrett, Blodgett and the musical director were in it.

New York Clipper, March 16, 1921, page 27.

Sidney Skolsky may well have seen a version of the “Have a Cigar” bit somewhere along the way, and given the reputation of Burlesque and Vaudeville performers for recycling all of the old jokes and bits, it’s not impossible to imagine that Sidney Skolsky might have seen Oscar Baum in just such an act before writing about his first Academy Awards ceremony. 

Coincidence of clue?

Oscar the Microphone Dummy

The advent of sound and further technical improvements in sound recording and reproduction spelled trouble for the careers of movie palace musicians like Oscar Baum.  But the advent of sound and technical improvements in sound recording and reproduction gave birth to another “Oscar” who may or may not have something to do with inspiring the name “Oscar” for the Academy Award.


Oscar – Term for “electrical oscillations.”

Los Angeles Times, November 24, 1929, part III, page 26.[vii]

In New Jersey, scientists trying to perfect high fidelity sound transmission developed a sound-recording device shaped like a human head for use in early experiments to provide “surround sound”, naturalistic sound reproduction.  By placing microphones where the ears were, they hoped to record and reproduce sound as it would sound naturally to a human listener.  Inspired, presumably, by the new technical jargon for electrical oscillations, “Oscar,” they named their sound recording dummy “Oscar.”


A wax dummy serves as critic during the orchestra rehearsals of Leopold Stokowski, famous conductor.  Named “Oscar,” it sits through a performance at the Philadelphia Academy of Music with an impassive expression on its molded face.  But its ears never miss a note, for they are twin microphones connected to an amplifying system and earphones.  By listening in, engineers can determine the best arrangement of the orchestra for radio broadcasting purposes.

Popular Science, April 1932, page 48.

The technology, developed by Dr. Henry Fletcher of Bell Laboratories in New Jersey, made its public debut in a series of three demonstrations in 1933 and 1934.  Leopold Stokowski, director of the Philadelphia Orchestra, participated in the first two exhibitions; the first at the Philadelphia Academy of Music, and the second before the National academy of Sciences in Constitution Hall in Washington DC.  

Pittsburgh Press, April 13, 1933, page 23.



On both occasions a great hall full of people was treated to music from an invisible orchestra and an invisible singer.  These, while being eagerly listened to in the auditorium of the academy, were in a soundproof room in another part of the building;  and at the second test they again were in the Philadelphia Academy while their program was being enjoyed and applauded in Washington.

Baltimore Sun, May 7, 1933, magazine section, page 7.

A third demonstration, for a “terrified audience” at the winter convention of the American Institute of Electrical Engineers in New York City, displayed power of stereo-phonic sound.

Keyport Enterprise (Keyport, New Jersey), March 8, 1934, page 7.
Three dimensional sound has been accomplished with such a sense of reality that an audience in New York felt spooky during a demonstration.

This “stereo-phonic” exhibition contained all the elements that have made magic and wizardry so popular among certain types of people, but was the more terrifying because it was known to be of a truly scientific nature. . . .

Such things as throwing the noise of an airplane over the heads of the audience, having a trumpeter play before the audience, leave and the music continue from the spot he recently occupied, a play given by a full cast in absentia, the voices moving about as if the bodies were there and the other things equally as fantastic, from our old point of view, were demonstrated.

Star Gazette(Elmira, New York), January 30, 1934, page 8.

Ten years later, they were still using the same “Oscar” dummy to make more and better advancements in sound.
Asbury Park Press, (Asbury Park, New Jersey), May 10, 1942, page 12.

The full-length “Oscar” dummy actually looks a bit like an Academy Award; broad shoulders, narrow hips, tapering down to small feet on a wide base.  

Asbury Park Press, (Asbury Park, New Jersey), May 10, 1942, page 12.
 Coincidence or clue?

Without more evidence, I would rate this possibility as unlikely.  It’s not impossible, however.  The Academy of Motion Pictures Arts and “Sciences” was always interested in technological advancements in film and sound, and some members would likely have been aware of the experiments in New Jersey and demonstrations along the East Coast.   

But the first commercial film in stereo would not be released until Walt Disney’s Fantasia in 1940, in which Leopold Stokowski put all of his hard work and experimentation to practical use.  In 1934, stereophonic sound and the dummy used to perfect it may have been more of a niche technology, not generally familiar to most of the recipients of Academy Awards or members of the Academy.

There was one other Oscar, however, who was generally familiar with many, if not most, of the early Academy Award winners. 


Oscar Smith

A little man who shined, Oscar Smith bore a physical and metaphorical resemblance to the “Little Oscar” who shined at Academy Award ceremonies.  This headline about the actual Academy Awards might easily have been written about him - if he had been invited.


Escanaba Daily Press (Escanaba, Michigan), March 11, 1937, page 8.

Everyone who was anyone in Hollywood knew Oscar Smith, and he knew them.

The man in Hollywood who knows the greatest number of picture people is Oscar Smith . . . .  

Daily Republican (Rushville, Indiana), October 23, 1928, page 6. 

In Hollywood Oscar Smith is more than a name; he's an institution.

The Tampa Times, April 14, 1929, page 19

Unless you've met Oscar, you don't know your Hollywood.

Indianapolis Star, August 29, 1934, page 5.

Many of the earliest Academy Award nominees and winners met with Oscar on a regular basis.

Hollywood has a unique academy of motion picture acting.  It has but one regular student, and yet it boasts a faculty embracing the greatest names and minds of the film industry.  The academy is a shoe shining stand at the Paramount studios and Oscar Smith, Negro bootblack and contract player, is the lone student.

Resident members of the faculty include Ernest Lubitsch, Emil Jannings, William Wellman, George Bancroft, Josef von Sternberg, Adolph Menjou, Victor Fleming, Richard Dix, Charles “Buddy” Rogers and other stars, directors and featured players under contract to Paramount.  Associate professors include such “greats” of the screen as Charles Chaplin, Douglas Fairbanks, John Gilbert, Theodore Roberts, Ronald Colman and Wallace Reid.  Classes at the shoe stand school of motion picture technique are held every day except those when Oscar works before the cameras.

Detroit Free Press, March 17, 1929, Part 4, page 1.

Several of these “faculty” members were associated with or won early Academy Awards.  Emil Jannings won the first award for Best Actor; Josef von Sternberg, who directed a film for which Jannings won his award, was nominated as Best Director in 1930 and 1932; Ernst Lubitsch was nominated for Best Picture in 1929 and 1930; Adoph Menjou starred in a Best Picture nominated film in 1929 and was nominated for Best Actor in 1931; William Wellman directed the first Best Picture winning film, Wings; George Bancroft was nominated for Best Actor in 1929; Richard Dix was nominated Best Actor in 1930; Charles “Buddy” Rogers starred in the first Best Picture winning file.

A Paramount production, The Patriot, won the Academy Award for Best Writing in 1930.  Although those writers were not specifically mentioned by name in any article connecting them with Oscar Smith, writers at Paramount were known to stop by Oscar’s shoe shine stand on a regular basis.  A new writer on the Paramount lot described the ritual in an article about his first few days on the job. 

To dash in at once and begin writing would be too crude.  There is a ritual to be complied with.  You first get your shoes shined at Oscar’s.  He is the negro bootblack who has the stand near the gate, and you mount the chair to look around, listen and get in tune with the spirit of the place.

Oscar shine, jests and capers.  He sells soft drinks, candy and tobacco.  His stand is the clearing-house of the studio, the forum, the market-place.  You hear all that is going on, and what will happen tomorrow.  Steady shoe-shine clients never have to buy newspapers.  Paul Gerard Smith, the scenarist, sits here daily to pick up the newest slang.  The dark corpulent man with black goggles in your adjoining chair looks asleep, but he listens to the sounds and whistling about him.  He is Mack Gordon, who wrote “Did You Ever See a Dream Walking?”

“I Write for the Movies,” Idwal Jones, Oakland Tribune (Oakland, California), December 8, 1935, Screen & Radio Weekly, page 8.

Of the two writers mentioned by name in the article, Paul Gerard Smith was a prolific writer of B-movies with no nominations or awards, but Mack Gordon would be nominated for eleven Academy Awards in his career, although none during the first several years.

I can imagine any one of the winners sitting down at Oscar's stand the next mrning saying something like, "Hey Oscar, look what they gave me last night.  It's about your size, and 'shines' like you - ha, ha, ha" (or something to that effect).

To be clear, there is no direct evidence suggesting Oscar Smith inspired the naming of the “Oscar” statuette.  I ran across his name and story while casting about for possible inspirations for the name that would have been known in and around Hollywood at the time “Oscar” got its name.  The gold / "shine" pun gives a possible impetus for the connection or association, as does his short stature - like the statue, he is a small Oscar who "shines".  And regardless of whether or not his name is associated, his story is interesting enough in its own right that it deserves to be told, so why not here.

Oscar Smith was born in Topeka, Kansas and moved to Phoenix, Arizona with his parents after finishing grammar school.  A pronounced stutterer, he claims not to have been able to speak at all until he was sixteen years old.  In Phoenix, he shined shoes for five years before moving to Los Angeles, where he became the head porter at Cooksie’s Barber Shop.

It was at Cooksie’s where he got his start in show business.  In about 1919, Wallace Reid, the early film star and matinee idol, came into Cooksies for a haircut and a shine, and left with a new personal valet - Oscar Smith.  Smith worked for Reid until his untimely death in 1923 at the age of 31. Before he died, Reid reportedly made arrangements with studio executives to give Oscar the shoe-shine concession on the Paramount lot.  Oscar Smith would eventually leverage that position, its contacts and opportunities into several more careers as an actor, talent agent, real estate developer and nightclub owner, all while keeping his day job as Paramount’s official bootblack.

Oscar Smith’s name appeared in film magazines and the entertainment columns of newspapers hundreds of times from as early as 1923.

Mr. Oscar Smith, of the Famous Lasky Players, is appearing twice daily at Grauman's Egyptian theater in person.  In the prologue of the "Ten Commandments," which was just released by the Lasky Famous Players, as one of Cecil DeMille's production.

Pittsburgh Courier, December 15, 1923, page 14.

He appeared in bit parts in several films before getting his big break in 1927, in Manpower and Beau Sabreur, alongside Richard Dix.


Introducing Oscar Smith.

Everyone in Hollywood knows Oscar, “the cute kid,” the colored lad who was once Wally Reid’s valet and who in the last five years as the official bootblack on the Paramount lot has shined the shoes of practically every star in pictures.

But who knows Oscar Smith?

Well, Oscar Smith graduated from bootblack to actor and has an important role in Richard Dix’ latest picture, “Manpower,” with his name on the cast sheet and everything.

Dix is credited with the discovery of Oscar.  In “Manpower” a colored man was wanted for comedy relief and Richard suggested the bootblack.

Now Oscaqr s to have the chance of his life.  He has been cast as the heroic Senegaliese soldier, Djikki, in “Beau Sabreur,” a melodrama of the Sahara by the author of “Beau Gest,” which Paramount is producing.

Photoplay, volume 32, number 4, September 1927, page 57.  

His silent film roles disguised his severe speech impediment.  But that didn’t stop him from taking on even more roles with the advent of talkies.  The “comic” possibilities of his stuttering may have been even more valuable with sound.  In 1929, he played a small, but popular part, as a stuttering hotel concierge in the whodunit, The Canary Murder Case, which won him a studio contract, one of the few black actors under contract in the studio contract system at the time. 

Judge for yourself it’s funny or not on YouTube.

Even Sidney Skolsky wrote about Oscar Smith in his column.  Four months before he first wrote about “Oscar” as the Academy Award statuette, Skolsky shared an anecdote about a film blooper.

[I]n “Too Much Harmony” Bing Crosby’s name is Eddie Bronson.  Yet in the dressing room on the opening night his colored valet calls him Mr. Crosby.

The lowdown on this is that the colored valet was played by Oscar Smith, the bootblack on the Paramount lot.  Oscar is rushed away from his stand to play bits like this in pictures.  He wasn’t handed any script to study the part.  He’s accustomed to calling Bing Mister Crosby on thelot and he did it in the flicker from the force of habit.

Daily News, November 16, 1933, page 46.

I can easily imagine Sidney Skolsky, a few months later, searching for a name that would deflate the pompous afair and hitting on a an inside joke - a little man who shines - industry insiders might recognize but outsiders might just find silly. 

Pittsburgh Courier, March 7, 1936, page 17.

In addition to acting, Oscar Smith developed a side business as a talent agent.  In 1932, he entered into a partnership with a character actor known as Stepinfetchit to arrange black extras to the studios.  Stepinfetchit was the bootblack at MGM studios and is regarded as the first adult black actor to sign a Hollywood contract, second overall to Matthew "Stymie" Beard of Little Rascals fame.

Oscar Smith, head bootblack at the Paramount lot, and Harold “Slickum” Garrison, similar factotum at MGM studio, have formed a partnership to provide colored people as extras for the movies. . . .  They plan to collect a commission from each extra they provide, and their plan is agreeable to the film casting directors, for it will save them work.  Oscar and Slickum have visions of growing rich in the next year if the tropical African pictures hold out.

Chicago Tribune, December 26, 1932, page 27.

Oscar was still in the extras business a few years later when he was mentioned in an article about the business of providing all types of specialty extras to the studios.


Hollywood, Cal., Oct. 8. – (U. P.) – This is a happy land, where casting directors don’t get grey hairs worrying about their racial acting problems; where a five minute telephone conversation will bring enough Igorotes, Zulus, Brahman Hindus or Nubian slaves to pack the coliseum or to double for the Afghan army.

In the twenty years that Hollywood has been the world’s film capital, Los Angeles, its parent, has drawn peoples of every nationality, race and color, not all of whom came because of the climate.

So it iscomparatively simple to round up strange types.  Istead of going to the Central Casting Bureau, which handles only Caucasians, the casting director has at his fingertips the names and telephone numbers of the specialists.

Jimmy Spencer, for instance, has several hundred distinct South Seas types under personal contact.  Jimmy is a native Kanaka from Molokai, and when stories with setting in Tahiti, Hawaii, Philippines, or the Malay Archipelago are filmed, Jimmy supplies the talent.

Tom Gubbings specializes in Chinese types -0 anything from coolie to mandarin, from any of the thirty-five distinctly different Chinese provinces.  He has 7,000 at his beck and call.

Oscar Smith, the perennial bootblack of the Paramount lot, and former valet to Wallace Reid, is generalissimo of the Negro section.

Eddie Das, a high-cast Hindu, knows every East Indian in California, some 1,200, and recently furnished several different casts and several hundred Hindus for “Lives of a Bengal Lancer.”

Nick Koblinski lives in the Los Angeles Russian colony, where the inhabitants still wear the old country beards and costumes. . . .

Then there are Bob Miles, who supplies the cowboys and stunt men; Charlie Borah, former Southern California track star, who furnishes the typical college types, and Charlie Cook, the man who can put is finger on any type of circus freak.

The Indianapolis Star, October 9, 1934, page 8.

Oscar Smith also provided personal management for at least one successful character actor, Willie Best, sometimes known as “Sleep’n’Eat.”  “Sleep’n’Eat’s” signature character was a comically slow-talking, slow moving, lazy man, similar to Stepin Fetchit’s signature character, the “laziest man in the world.”

Pittsburgh Courier, March 24, 1934, page 18.

Despite playing a character now viewed as perpetuating a negative black stereotype, Stepinfetchit parlayed his act into a small fortune as one of the first black millionaire in Hollywood.[viii]  Oscar Smith appears to have achieved similar levels of professional and monetary success.

Smith and Fetchit also achieved particular notariety and respect in the local black community in Los Angeles.  Sidney Skolsky reported that Fetchit and Smith made competing claims to the title, the “King of Central Avenue.”[ix]  Oscar Smith was also referred to, on occasion, as the “Mayor of the Central Avenue District,” but was apparently challenged for that spot by Bing Crosby’s chauffeur.

Journal Star(Lincoln, Nebraska), May 19, 1936, page 16.

Despite the sometimes caricatured portrayals of him and other similarly situated actors in the press, Oscar Smith appears to have been a well-respected figure in Hollywood at large as well, as demonstrated by his studio and several stars helping him stage a benefit ball.

Paramount Studio recently aided Smith in putting over his first annual movie ball.  They furnished him with huge arc-lights and many luminaries.

Pittsburgh Courier, September 8, 1934, page 19.

Oscar Smith, Paramount’s actor-bootblack, certainly showed Los Angeles’ colored section how to put on a real movie affair a few nights ago, when he staged the Colored Motion Picture Benefit Ball.  The huge studio lights, plus Oscar’s personal appearance in a loud checkedred suit, drew such a crowd that extra police had to be detailed to that section to keep order.

Oscar really put on a show, too, with Carole Lombard, Molly O’Day, Judith Allen, Katherine DeMille, Roscoe Karns, and Libby Taylor all present.

Pensacola News Journal, August 8, 1934, page 4. 

 Oscar Smith also dabbled in real estate.  As early as 1929, he reportedly owned valuable real-estate developments.  An article from 1940 discusses some of those holdings in more detail.  Val Verda was a mostly black-owned and frequented resort near Santa Clarita north of Los Angeles.[x]

Genial Oscar Smith, dean of all Negro Hollywood movie studio employees is leaving no stone unturned to make his hobby, the Hi-Hat Café and Guest House at beautiful Val Verde Park, year-around sepia pleasure resort, located 45 miles from Los Angeles, the finest race enterprise of its kind in the country.

The Pittsburgh Courier, October 12, 1940, page 23.


Sign for Oscar Smith’s Hi-Hat Café.  Image captured from Things that Aren’t Here Anymore, a documentary about landmarks in Los Angeles that aren’t here anymore, produced and aired on Los Angeles Public Television station KCET.
 
When oil was discovered at Val Verde, Oscar Smith and other black property owners stood to profit – although I do not know whether those wells were ever drilled, and if so, how valuable they were.

Pittsburgh Courier, November 2, 1940, page 10.

But whether or not those investments panned out, Oscar Smith remained at Paramount Studios into the 1940s.


Oscar Smith with Eva Gabor and Frances Farmer. Des Moines Register, June 15, 1941, Magazine section, page 8.

Smiling Oscar Smith, Paramount player, takes charge of the Crosby boys as they pay a visit to the studio to watch their famous dad work on the set of “Dixie.”  . . . Oscar also will appear in the new Paramount production which stars Bing Crosby, Dorothy Lamour and Marjorie Reynolds.

The Pittsburgh Courier, November 28, 1942, page 21.

But was he the inspiration for the name, “Oscar”?  I don’t know, but his granddaughter, Isis McKenzie, has apparently heard "enough stories going around Hollywood that leaves her with a smile on her face and pride in her heart."  Perhaps there is something to the story after all.

Her great grandfather, Oscar Smith, was a famous actor in the 1920-40s, who also became the first African American actor to be signed to Paramount Pictures in the 1930s. She was told he was also the one time Mayor of Val Verde, CA.  Also in her grandmother’s personal effects was a trunk full of pictures of her grandmother with Bing Crosby and Cab Calloway, who were huge stars during that era. But what really piqued her interest was the rumor going around about how the film industry’s most coveted trophy, the Oscar®, came to be named after her great grandfather.

McKenzie can’t actually verify that fact with certainty, but there are enough stories going around Hollywood that leaves her with a smile on her face and pride in her heart.

“Isis McKenzie Was ‘Born to Shine,’”Jason Lewis, Los Angeles Sentinel, November 3, 2011.[xi]

Coincidence or clue?






[ii]The 1930 US Census lists here living at home, in Yakima, with her maiden name.
[iii]Post-Crescent (Appleton, Wisconsin), June 3, 1957, page 4.
[iv]Post-Crescent (Appleton, Wisconsin), June 8, 1957, page 12.
[vii]Barry Popik, of the Big Apple online etymologyical dictionary was the first person to identify this sense of “Oscar” in The Motion Picture Almanac (1931), speculating that it might be a clue to the origin of “Oscar” as applied to the academy award.  Ben Zimmer, language writer for the Wall Street Journal, identified this earlier example from 1929.Garson O'Toole (the QuoteInvestigator) uncovered the "Oscar" recording dummy and shared it on the American Dialect Society's discussion board in June, 2018.
[ix]“Hollywood Characters,” Sidney Skolsky, Daily News, May 25, 1935, page 24.

Baseball Voodoo - a History and Origin of "Rooting" for One's Team

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The Spokane Press (Spokane, Washington), May 12, 1909, page 7.
 Let me root, root, root for the home team,
   If they don't win, it's a shame.
For it's one, two, three strikes, you're out,
   At the old ball game.

“Take Me Out to the Ball Game,” Lyrics by Jack Norworth, music by Albert von Tilzer; original Copyright notice dated, May 2, 1908.

In 1908, Albert Tilzer and Jack Norworth teamed up to write the classic baseball anthem, “Take Me Out to the Ball Game.”  Since at least the 1940s,[i]baseball fans have belted-out the song’s musical admonition to “root, root, root for the home team” during the seventh-inning stretch to bring luck to their team.

Four-score years later, Pedro Cerrano, the Cuban slugger and religious defector in the baseball comedy classic, Major League, put his team in good hands with Voodoo incantations intended to bring good luck to his team.

The two, seemingly disparate methods of bringing luck to one’s team may not be as far removed from one another as they appear.  The cheering sense of “root” may have been influenced by traditional Voodoo practices of using roots for luck.

The origin of this sporting sense of “root” is uncertain.  The online etymology dictionary, Etymonline.com, suggests that it is, “probably from root [(in the sense of “to dig with the snout,” as would a pig)] via an intermediate sense of “root,” meaning “study, work hard” (1856).  Merriam Webster onlinesuggests, “perhaps alteration of rout[(to low loudly: bellow – used of cattle)].

The Oxford English Dictionary onlinedoes not prove a specific etymology, but the earliest example of use it lists includes, coincidentally, a reference to a pig:

1889 World (N.Y.) 7 June 11/4 All during the game Jim never blinked, and he rooted more energetically and with twice the freedom of a Yorkshire porker.

Although the pig reference appears to be consistent with, “to dig with a snout,” it is not proof of derivation.  Even if the sporting sense of “root” were derived from a completely unrelated usage, a writer might nevertheless refer to a pig in the same sentence as an artistic choice, playing the two senses of “root” off one another in humorous fashion. 

Several years earlier, for example, another sportswriter similarly played off three senses “root” off one another in a baseball story, not including the cheering sense of root that would first appear years later.

A game of base-ball was played here yesterday between the Moscow [(Tennessee)] nine and the North Carolina Pine Rooters.  The Rooters did some good rooting, but our little nine rooted them by a score of fifteen to five.

 Memphis Daily Appeal (Tennessee), May 25, 1881, page 1. 

Unpacking the above-cited passage, it means that the baseball team named the “Pine Rooters” (after a local wild pig called a “pine rooter”[ii]) did some good hard work (“rooting”) but were nevertheless beaten soundly (“rooted” apparently a conscious misspelling of “routed,” meaning to beat decisively).

Standing alone, it seems plausible that that sports-cheer sense of “rooting” could have been derived from pig “rooting” via the intermediate sense of working hard.  But several of the earliest examples of “root” suggest another possibility, or at least a second influence on the evolution of the word; the use of plant roots in African-Caribbean-American religious traditions, variously known as “voodoo,” “hoodoo,” “juju” or “fetishism.”


Bad Hoodoos

One hundred years before Pedro Cerranno brought Voodoo to the Cleveland Indians in the 1989 film, Major League, the word, “hoodoo” (“probably an alteration of voodoo”)[iii]was in common use in baseball and other sports to denote a bad luck charm, or the act of bringing someone bad luck:

Sacramento Daily Record-Union, July 26, 1886, page 3.

“Queered” By Cross-Eyes.

Mischief Wrought by a Small Boy – A Superstition of Sporting Men.

. . . It is one of the strongest superstitions of betting men that to be impaled by the glance of a cross-eyed person is equivalent to being entirely deserted by the goddess of luck.

. . . [T]wo men cast one look at the youth, turned pale and dashed by with their heads turned the other way.

“My God, Jim!” ejaculated one of the men, “we’re hoodooed, sure.  Did you catch those eyes?”

St. Paul Daily Globe (Minnesota), September 25, 1886, page 11.

A “hoodoo” might be countered with a good-luck charm, or “mascot” (introduced in English from a popular French opera, La Mascotte, first performed in 1881).  And if a mascot didn’t work very well, the mascot might become the hoodoo.

The Metropolitan warriors do not differ from other communities of braves, and yesterday morning they came together at the Staten Island grounds to consider the source of their bad luck.  There was a hoodoo or Jonah somewhere.  The ball grounds were gone over with care, but beyond a few half-smashed cigars nothing could be found . . . [T]hey all decided that it was the mascot, and forthwith the dog was shipped to Holbert’s farm.

The Sun (New York), June 19, 1887, page 11.

It worked; the New York Metropolitans came out on top, beating the Athletics seven runs to four.

Good Voodoo – Roots

But whereas a “hoodoo” as used in baseball was invariably bad, not all voodoo was bad.  Some roots were used to bring good luck, for example, so-called “Adam and Eve” roots.

The way in which the negro completes the charm of Adam and Eve is very curious.  He first obtains a glass bottle which will hold about two ounces of liquid, and then places the root in the liquor to soak.  After a short time the superstitious ones claim that Adam, having less evil in his specific gravity than Eve, will float, and his less righteous better-half will sink instanter. . . .
Another man told me that he had been to Philadelphia and had carried a bottle with an Adam and Eve in his pocket.  While he was in possession of this root he had all the money he could spend, but while on his way to this city he accidentally broke the bottle, and threw both it and the root out of the window.  Luck deserted him at once, and he came to try another. Holders of Adam and Eve are all very careful to let no other person touch the bottle containing it, for, they explain, luck leaves the bottle whenever it is touched by any person except the owner. 

A number of other roots have the same attraction to superstitious people.  Any herb that is especially peculiar in shape or color is immediately thought to be a talisman of some power.  The blood-root is always chosen because of its peculiar color, and Solomon’s seal because it has a strange shape.  The golden seal is also chosen because it has many curious fibers which branch out in every direction.  The old belief about the four-leaved clover is familiar to every person, and is accredited with some very remarkable occurrences.

Spirit of the Age (Woodstock, Vermont), November 1, 1882, page 2.

During the time period in which the cheering sense of “root” emerged in the late-1880s, the expressions “root,” “rooting,” “root working,” and “rooters,” were all applied to voodoo priests and their practices. 

“Root” was used as a verb meaning something like, “to cast a spell with roots.”

Whether the man in this case did or did not die of fright, is of no consequence; for there are numberless instances to prove that negroes, when they become aware that they were to be “rooted” or that “obi” was set for them, generally soon fell ill of terror and almost invariably died of a species of decline.  It is probable, however, that in many such instances poison was used to heighten the effect of the supposed enchantment.  Obi is an African word and is usually applied to a sort of sorcery not uncommon among negroes.  There are many names applied to this queer magic, such as “rooting,” “voodoing,” “fetiching,”and so forth, but the practice as far as the negro race is concerned, is essentially the same. 

Daily Ohio Statesman (Columbus), August 28, 1867.



“Root working” or to “work roots” had a similar meaning.  In 1879, the arrest of a mixed-race couple, Jarvis and Susan Gabel, for stealing jewelry put Voodoo “root working” in the news.  The story of how the couple met and how she caught her man were more interesting than the underlying crime. 

 


 “Ain’t you a nice white man to be living with a wench!” said Payne [(the policeman]).

“Don’t you talk to him, and don’t you call me a wench, either, or I’ll tear your eyes out, you white livered --- --- ---,” and she had Payne by the throat as she finished the sentence.  The officers unhanded her.

A WONDERFUL STORY

Gabel says that eight years ago he came from Canada to New York, and changed his name to James Oliver.  He went to work on the farm of Isaac Brinckerhoff, at Manhassett, and one night went to a colored ball at Little Neck, where he saw Miss Jackson, who was then living with Fred. Douglass.  She came in his way several times after that, and finally he became to her a menial.  She said she had “worked roots” on him, and the spell could never be broken, as she had buried the charm. 

. . . The working of roots consists of the placing of a hair from a horse’s tail, and a lock of the man’s hair in a bottle half covered with water of a peculiar nature, and the charm is held to be perfect when one end of the horse hair rises above the water.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, April 24, 1879, page 4.



A voodoo priestess might use certain roots to promote healing.

More Root than Doctor. 

A Louisiana negro went to New Orleans and got a woman to “hoodoo” or bless a certain root, and then returned home and went to doctoring a lot of negroes down with swamp fever. 

Daily Tobacco Leaf Chronicle (Clarksville, Tennessee), May 13, 1890, page 3.   

A Voodoo healer could be referred to as a “Root and Hoodoo” doctor.

A colored woman in Atlanta was sick and Jennie Colton, who is known among the blacks in “Honey Alley” as the “Root and Hoodoo” doctor was sent for.

The Wahpeton Times (Whapeton, North Dakota), page 8, December 10, 1891, page 8.

The roots might be used in a “Cunger” (or conjur) bag.

The “Cunger Bag.”
How the Negroes of the South Protect Themselves.

“Cunger bags” are of two kinds.  The one made of yellow flannel is to ward off evil spirits, the other of red flannel is supposed to insure good luck . . . .

The doctor hears the visitor’s story, and, after deciding what the remedy shall be, selects a small bag of the proper tint of red or yellow, and puts into it something like the following: a piece of hair or whiskers; some earth that the right or left foot has trod at the hour of midnight at a certain designated spot; a relic of a dead friend; . . . or maybe a pinch of snuff or a piece of “Little David root” will do the business.  What “Little David root” is no mortal but a voodoo doctor has ever been able to find out . . . .  “Little David root”is responsible for a great deal of superstition in the south.

The Valentine Democrat (Valentine, Nebraska), November 19, 1896, page 4 (reprint from the St. Louis Republic).

Lucky Roots

So called “lucky roots” were available for sale.

In a widely circulated story about a down-on-his-luck cowboy from Montana who visited a clairvoyant for help, for example, she offered to sell him “lucky roots” to help him find a job – it didn’t work.[iv]

A medium in Camden, New Jersey advertised “lucky roots” in the newspaper.


Camden Courier-Post, June 21, 1890, page 3. Lucky roots for sale.

If you skeptical that practices of a minority religion might percolate out into wider pop-culture, there is another luck-related practice borrowed from Voodoo found wide acceptance in baseball circles, and in American pop-culture, generally – the lucky rabbit’s foot.

Chicago Tribune, November 8, 1936, Comics Section.


Lucky Foots

The rabbit’s foot’s connection to Voodoo was suggested in an early reference to lucky rabbit’s feet.

Dolly had no end of terrible stories to tell Tommy about Voodoos – she called them “hoodoos” – people who gathered heads of snakes, and spiders, and hideous creeping things to make venomous charms with . . . .  Tommy would have become frightened out of his little life at these tales, but that Dolly gave him a dried rabbit’s foot in a bag to hang around his neck; for Dolly, like all the colored folks of the levee, believed a rabbit’s foot to be a sure charm against all evil.

Daily Sentinel (Burlington, Vermont), October 6, 1876, page 1.

Although such Voodoo practices and traditions may have originated among the African Diaspora, they were picked up by others as well.  John Mills Allen, a white congressman from Mississippi, for example, is said to have always carried a “traditional rabbit’s foot, which he killed in the dark of the moon in a graveyard.”[v]

Baseball players also used rabbits’ feet to ward off hoodoos.

The second nine base ball club captured the game at Halstead on the 4th.  They must have taken the Great Bend rabbit’s foot with them.

Barton County Democrat (Great Bend, Kansas), July 11, 1889, page 5.

It Has Got a Rabbit’s Foot.

The Cincinnati League club has astonished everybody interested in base-ball by winning three straight games.  This change for the better has been ascribed to various causes, but the true reason is known to possibly half a dozen people.  Mr. Brush went East last week to see what the matter was, and Saturday Charles Jackson, second waiter at the Bates, sent the Cincinnati president, at Willard’s Hotel, Washington, a rabbit’s foot as a sort of forlorn hope.

Monday Cincinnati began winning, and there is no telling where that rabbit’s foot is going to land the team.  Jackson is a firm believer in the magic of the talisman in question, and parted with it only when he became convinced Cincinnati could win in no other way.  He is a great admirer of that team, else he would never have parted with the rabbit’s foot.  Cincinnati’s chances for the pennant appear to be looking up since this fortunate acquisition.

The Indianapolis Journal, June 11, 1891, page 6.


For the record, Cincinnati finished the 1891 season in seventh place in an eight-team league, so the rabbit’s foot may not have been as powerful as hoped, but its use at least illustrates how certain Voodoo practices could find their way into mainstream pop-culture.

Even the famous racist "Cap" Anson, one of the most famous and influential baseball players of his day, who, it is said, played a role in drawing the "color line" in professional baseball (see, for example, "Cap Anson and the Color Line," Howard W. Rosenberg, BlackAthlete.net), was not above carrying a rabbit's foot, even if it didn't always work.

 Rock Island Daily Argus (Rock Island, Illinois), May 02, 1892, page 1.

“Roots” – Slang for Luck

That may have been the case with the word “root” taking on the new meaning of cheering or supporting one’s favorite team.  Early references to the new meaning of “root” refer to it as meaning “luck” or exerting a “psychic force,” which sounds more Voodoo-like than pig-like.

One of the earliest examples of “root” in the sport-support sense defined the word as, “slang for luck” – in other words, the opposite of what a hoodoo might do.  The same reference describes “rooting” as performing certain physical actions to lend the object of the “rooting” mystical support, and not, as it later became understood, as simple cheering.

All right, boss,” he said cheerfully, as he walked away, “I see yer onto me – but say! Give us fi’pence, will yer, just fer roots?”  He got his five cents.  “Roots” is slang for luck.  To “root” for an undertaking you must clinch your fists, grind your teeth, stamp your feet and wish harder than you ever wished before.  It is a very popular expression now.  Somebody asked the Count Giannini the other day how he came to win two first prizes in the last great athletic games at Madison Square Garden.  “I couldn’t help winning,” he answered apologetically.  “Both my little nephews were there rooting for me as hard as they could.”

The Seattle Post-Intelligencer(Washington), February 26, 1889, page 7.

Granted, this example does not refer to the literal use of actual plant roots, but the fact that the word “root” had become slang for “luck” suggests that it might easily have been derived from the use of “lucky roots” for luck; at least as much or more so than from the practice of pigs digging up roots with their snout.


This early understanding of "rooting," as including physical movements to bring luck, may be preserved today in the ritual of the seventh-inning stretch.  In the early days of the tradition, the seventh inning was frequently referred to as the "Lucky Seventh" and some early references to the seventh-inning stretch described it as, "stretching for luck." See, for example, my earlier post, President Taft, Governor McKinley and the “Lucky Seventh” Inning – the History and Origins of the Ceremonial “First Pitch” and the “Seventh Inning Stretch.” 

Another early "rooting" reference describes the newly emerging sense of the word in nearly mystical or metaphysical terms, more Voodoo-like than like a pig-like.  A local reporter lamenting the recent poor performance of the Brooklyn Bridegrooms baseball team (which four years later would become the Trolley Dodgers), discussed the meaning of a word he had only recently heard for the first time.

[T]he lamentable condition of the Brooklyn boys is entirely due to the psychic force which is exerted against them or, in other words, to the failure of the spectators to “root” in their behalf.  Of the verb “to root,” as used in base ball vernacular, we must confess that we were in complete ignorance until our correspondent enlightened us on the subject. . . .

“Rooting,”says our informant, “is the concentration of individual or aggregate psychic force upon the accomplishment of some particular object desired by the rooter” . . . .

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 26, 1889, page 2.

Two years later, the New York Sun described rooters and rooting as involving shouting encouragement as well as various luck-inducing motions or actions. 

Rooters are now recognized in all sporting circles.  They are the men who have strong feelings for one side or the other in a contest, and encourage their favorites and promote their interests in various ways.  To say that a man is rooting is to say that he is doing his best for the success of somebody.  On the base ball field, for instance, the rooter has his favorite club or his favorite player, for which he shouts or applauds or encourages or bets or helps along the way.

On the race track there are all sorts of rooters, from the stable boys or touters to the occupants of private boxes.  They talk of their favorite before the race begins.  They reach the highest pitch of excitement when the horses are on the homestretch.  They rush to the front with eager looks, panging with excitement, clapping their hands, shouting words of encouragement or muttering curious phrases, such as “Come along, my beauty,” “There you are my pet,” . . . “another go for luck,” . . . and hundreds of others of similar import. . . . .

The rooters at games of cards have a variety of methods. Sometimes they sit by a favorit player and root for him to get a good hand.  They tell the player how to pick up his hand; how to hold his cards; how to sit in his chair; how to dispose of his feet on the rungs of other chairs; what tunes to whistle, and lots of other things, which may not appear to have the slightest influence on the game, but which to the active and enthusiastic rooter are of the highest importance. . . . .

. . . To be a rooter is a great privilege and enjoyment, and to have rooters rooting for you is regarded as a great good fortune.

The New York Sun, June 30, 1891, page 6.

Interestingly, another line from this same article ties both hard work and good fortune together, suggesting, perhaps, that the new sense of the word resonated in more than one way with more than one earlier sense of “root.”

The rooterdelights in all field sports and works harderthan the players. . . and considers himself a mascotif his man wins.

The New York Sun, June 30, 1891, page 6.

The earliest example of the emerging, new sense of “root” I could find, from 1888, similarly combines hard work with luck in a description of intense physical gesticulations intended to bring good luck in a game of billiards.


Don’t you know what a rooter is?” asked the proprietor.  “Why, it’s a man as ‘roots’ the legs off the tables and the color from the balls, bending this way and that and trying to influence his ball to count.  Watch that tall man there: the one with the full reddish beard.  Hoop.  There she goes.  Get on to that,” and the half-dozen interested spectators got nearly as excited as the “rooter,” as they watched him follow his ball down the rail, grab a corner of the table with one hand, then lean over the ball and all but move it with his other hand so that it would count.  “You’ll see him in a minute,” said the proprietor.  “There he goes again,” as the gentlemanly opponent made an unprotected miss, and the “rooter” again took the cue.  “See how he twitched his mouth that time,” and “Oh, see him fish,” as the excited player trotted after his ball, then made motions with his cue like those of a fisherman whipping a trout stream to indicate the way he wanted his cue ball to go.  “He’s as bad a one as I ever saw,” said one of the lookers-on, “and I often have lots of fun watching ‘rooters’ when I’m not playing myself.

The Evening World (New York), April 25, 1888, page 3.

So the jury’s still out.  The widespread use of “lucky roots,” and the pre-existing Voodoo-related senses of “root,” meaning to cast a spell using magic roots, suggests a plausible origin of the slang word “root,” meaning luck (as described in 1889).  The widespread acceptance or familiarity with similar Voodoo traditions, such as lucky rabbits’ feet, and other mystical superstitions, such as mascots, support the possibility that Voodoo “lucky roots” could have been the origin of the new cheering sense of “root.”

Early descriptions of energetic “rooting” by players and their supporters also suggests the plausibility of the traditional etymology of the new, cheering sense of “root” from an earlier sense of “root” as hard work, as in a pig rooting with his snout.

And it possible, of course, that whatever the original impulse to start using the new sense of “root,” it could have resonated on different levels with different users for different reasons at different times.  Perhaps the two earlier senses of “root” reinforced one another and helped the word catch on as quickly as it did.

Personally, I’m rooting for the “lucky roots” – but it may be hard work convincing others.




[i]The regular practice of singing “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” during the seventh-inning stretch is believed to have originated at Seattle Rainiers’ games in about 1940.  See my earlier post, President Taft, Governor McKinley and the “Lucky Seventh” Inning – the History and Origins of the Ceremonial “First Pitch” and the “Seventh Inning Stretch.”
[ii]The Siler City Grit (Siler City, North Carolina), December 23, 1914, page 2. (“The pine rooter and razor back hogs received their names from their peculiar shapes; a full grown pine rooter’s forehead and snout were near two feet long and they mostly got their living by uprooting little pines and briars and eating the roots, and large numbers ran wild in the woods and when there was a big crop of acorns they got fat and made fine pork.”).
[iii]“Hoodoo (n.) ‘one who practices voodoo,’ 1870, American English, probably an alteration of voodoo.  Meaning ‘something that causes or brings bad luck’ is attested from 1880.” Etymonline.com.
[iv]The Inter-Ocean (Chicago, Illinois), March 15, 1890, page 11.
[v]The Daily News (Salem, Ohio), March 23, 1889, page 2.

Submarines and Starving Children - a True History of the Real Captain America

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Captain Americahas been saving the world from fictional evil since 1941; the real Captain America helped save the real world from real evil in 1919.

In 2011, Marvel Studios unleashed Chris Evans as Captain America: The First Avenger.

In 1943, Republic Pictures launched the first of fifteen Captain America serial chapters.



[View Chapter 1 – “The Purple Death” here.]




In 1940, with Europe embroiled in one year-old war and a full year before Pear Harbor pushed the United States to join the fight, Timely Comics(predecessor of Marvel Comics) put its first issue of Captain America on sale.  With a cover showing the fictional Captain America punching a comic-book Hitler on the nose, the first issue sold over a million copies. 

Captain America No. 1 – Marvel.com.

But decades before all of that fictional heroism, a real Captain America gave Kaiser Wilhelm a figurative punch on the nose, rescuing survivors from a ship torpedoed by a German submarine in World War I and helping save 200,000 actual children from starvation in the aftermath of that real war launched by an earlier generation of Germans. 


The Real Captain America

Captain America

Captain America, Captain Frank M. America of the American Red Cross, was an Associated Press journalist from Buffalo New York who was sent to London in 1917 to cover the war, later joining the American Red Cross as their Director of Information in Great Britain.

Frank America was in Scotland when the luxury liner, S. S. Tuscania, then in service as a troop ship ferrying American troops to Europe, was torpedoed and sunk by the German submarine UB-77, with the loss of 210 lives.  He assisted in the rescue of survivors, participated in the funerals of victims, and forwarded an American flag, sewn overnight by local women in Scotland, to President Wilson “where it hung in the capital for some time” before being placed “in the museum in Washington.”[i]

After his heroics in Scotland, the American Red Cross recruited him and gave him the rank of Captain.  Frank, now Captain America, continued his good works, nourishing the minds of American and British soldiers by publishing a daily “single mimeograph sheet of late American news hot from the wireless,” of which 2,500 copies were distributed daily to the sick and wounded in British and American hospitals and rest camps. 

Later, Captain America published an illustrated weekly for distribution to the troops.  He also organized a photo service to provide content for his magazine, and made the service available to British and American newspapers.  When publication of his weekly was discontinued after the war, “Captain America forwarded to the state department at Washington twelve large folio volumes containing more than 1,000 of these photographs,” which were placed in the national archives.[ii]

After the armistice, Captain America joined a Red Cross mission delivering aide and supplies to Poland where, partly through his efforts, they helped save 200,000 Polish children.

Buffalo Evening News, December 17, 1919, page 2.




 Not quite as cool as punching Hitler in the nose, but pretty good for real-life.

Captain America’s brother, Private America, may have been even more heroic, if more anonymous.  Private Robert G. America delivered ammunition to the front lines at night as a member of the 77thDivision, Company B, 302d Regiment Ammunition Train.[iii]


“Captain Americus”

If Captain America was strong, “Captain Americus” was even stronger.  In 1904, “Captain Americus,” reportedly won the “gold medal at the St. Louis exposition in 1904 for being the champion strong man of the world.”[iv]

He didn’t save the world, but he could save you from more mundane health problems – “Satisfaction guaranteed.”

Captain Americus School of Physical Culture.

Nature intended you should be healthy and strong.  If you have neglected your duty now is your golden opportunity to redeem yourself by taking a course in physical culture; a positive cure for indigestion and constipation. Class or private instructions for ladies or gentlemen.  Satisfaction guaranteed.

Captain Americus
Or Chicago, Ill.

Fort Smith Times (Fort Smith, Arkansas), April 8, 1906, page 4.

Born in Maryland in 1855, “Captain Americus,” whose real name was J. L. Taylor, ran away from home at the age of 8 after being whipped by an uncle he lived with.  He fell in with a “troupe of tumblers, who threw him from one to another, and this hardened his muscles.”[v]

He was still performing in 1911, billing himself as the “oldest living acrobat” and the “Physical Culture King.”  His act included “tearing decks of cards into several pieces, bending large nails . . . pulling chains apart and bending large iron bars.”

The most remarkable feature of Captain Americus is his startling automobile feat.  This is one of the nerviest “stunts” that has ever been shown Charlotte people.  A seven-passenger Packard touring car driven by John Elliott, of this city, will be filled with passengers and making a total weight of over 4,000 pounds which Captain Americus will allow to be driven over his body. 

The Evening Chronicle (Charlotte, North Carolina), September 27, 1911, page 6.

But as strong as he was, “Captain Americus” was not invincible.  He suffered a debilitating stroke in April 1914. 

Des Moines Register, October 3, 1915, Commercial and Classified Section, page 6.

It was too bad; his strength might have come in handy when World War I broke out three months later. 

But luckily for the good guys, there was a real Captain America to saved torpedo victims and Polish babies, a Private America to deliver ammunition to the front in the dark of night, and all of the other proverbial “Captain Americas” who joined forces to save Europe from destroying itself in two world wars. 

Now if they could just something about the Marvel Universe. . . .




[i]The Buffalo Times, April 24, 1919, page 3.
[ii]Buffalo Morning Express, March 7, 1919, page 7.
[iii]The Buffalo Times, April 24, 1919, page 3.
[iv]The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee), August 16, 1915, page 1.
[v]The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee), August 16, 1915, page 2.

Planes, Radios and Audiometrics - the History of the Real Captain Marvel

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Marvel Studios released its first female superhero film, Captain Marvel, in early 2019.  The character was based on Marvel Comics’ own Captain Marveldeveloped by Stan Lee and Gene Colan in 1967.  But Marvel Comics did not create the name, “Captain Marvel.”  They paid-off M. F. Enterprises to cease publication of its Captain Marvelcomic books series in 1966, due in part to trademark concerns related to the similarity between the character’s name and Marvel Comics’ company name.

But interestingly, the name “Captain Marvel” predates even the name of Marvel Comics, which assumed the name in 1961, after many years doing business as Timely Comics or Magazine Management.  The original, “real” Captain Marvel was created by Fawcett Comics in 1940.  Although it was the best-selling super-hero comic book of the 1940s (outselling Superman and Batman), spawning a successful theatrical “chapter play” serial, The Adventures of Captain Marvel, Fawcett Comics abandoned the character in the early-1950s, due in part to decreasing sales, but also in an effort to settle a copyright infringement suit brought by the owners of Superman. 

Pittsburgh Press, April 4, 1941, page 59.

The text accompanying this publicity still for the Adventures of Captain Marvelserial illustrates why the owners of Supermanmay have had a good case.



“Captain Marvel,” fabulous cartoon hero and superman, is shown here in his first action-photo, diving from the top of a 10-story building . . . .

Tampa Bay Times(St. Petersburg, Florida), November 1, 1941, page 13.

DC Comics revived Fawcett’s old Captain Marvel as Shazam in the 1970s, “Shazam” being the magical phrase the original Captain Marvel recited to assume his superpowers.   The new, revised Shazam was a live-action Saturday morning children’s TV series in the 1970s and Warner Brothers’ Shazam, the movie, is set for release in April 2019.


But unlike all of the fictional Captain Marvels based on earlier Captain Marvels or Superman, the real Captain Marvel (like the real Captain America) was an actual hero who helped save the world from German expansionism in World War I.  

His super-powers? – flight and wireless telecommunication.


Captain Orin E. Marvel


The real “Capt. O. E. Marvel, head of Audiometer service,” seen here (standing) in Life Magazine (September 3, 1940, page 15) a few months after Fawcett Comics’ original Captain Marvel first hit the newsstands.

Orin E. Marvel was born in Bronson, Kansas in 1885.  At the age of 21, he was installing telephones in Bronson for the Mutual Company,[i]a job that foreshadowed the rest of his career.  Shortly afterward, he attended the University of Kansas in Lawrence, graduating in 1912.

By 1914, he was working at Bell Labs[ii]and had reportedly already earned his first patent for “measuring and filling transmitter buttons.”[iii]  In February 1916, he was sent to El Paso, Texas for border service in response to border-raids by Pancho Villa, as a member of the Missouri National Guard Signal Corps; first as a Private, and then in quick succession a Corporal (June 24), Seargent (July 1) and a 1stLieutenant, skipping right past 2d Lieutenant; he was back in Kansas City on recruiting duty before the end of the year.[iv]  Within two years he would be a Captain –Captain Marvel, a title he held for the rest of his life.

Captain Marvel was in France as a member of the Army Air Service by February 1918.  He saw combat in France, even going “over the top” in Baccarat, France carrying (appropriately enough) a radio.

Then we moved to Baccarat and took over a sector.  It is here we had our first real experience of going over the top.  It is a great experience to stand in a trench with about a million shells going over and waiting until it is light enough to see and then up and over.  I went over with ground radio sets for communications back to regimental headquarters.

A letter home, published in the Bronson Pilot, December 25, 1918, page 1.

Captain Marvel was near Chalons, France in July 1918 when his unit came under heavy fire.  He kept the radios up and running for three days under difficult conditions before moving to Chateau Thierry where they met the enemy again.

I lived for three days in a 50-foot dugout.  I had 8 radio stations working all in dugouts.  The antennae were shot down several times but we did not have a casual and maintained good communication all the time.  After the attack we were hurried to the Chateau Thierry front where we made contact with the enemy on the 29th of July and drove him back about 15 kilometers.[v]

During the war, Captain Marvel was on the cutting edge of research into outfitting airplanes with wireless communications equipment.

I have been experimenting with wireless telephones on the ships (aeroplanes) and will soon have a flight (7 ships) equipped.  We have tried out many kinds of wireless sets on the ships, some very good and some not so good.  We were just starting to equip the planes with wireless telephones as the end came.[vi]

Due to the end of the War, Captain Marvel narrowly avoided a promotion that would likely have changed obviated the writing of this piece one hundred years later – Major Marvel wouldn’t have had the same cachet.  The letter recommending his promotion recounted some of his accomplishments.

From: Chief Air Service, Army Group.
To: General George S. Gibbs, Signal Corps.
Subject: Promotion of Captain Orin E. Marvel, to the rank of Major.

1. . . . This officer has handled liaison, consisting of telephone, telegraph and radio for the air force which acted with the first Army during the St. Michel and Argonne operations.

2. Captain Marvel proved to be one of our greatest assets by his steady and uninterrupted supervision of our liaison system, without which we would have been unable to function efficiently.[vii]

With the war over, the Army put Captain Marvel’s super-powers to work on the Air Service Artillery Radio Board, continuing the experiments in aviation communications he had begun during the war.[viii]  In June 1919, Captain Marvel took part in an early demonstration of airborne radio communication.

Lieutenant Bernard J. Tooher, pilot, and Captain Orin E. Marvel, radio officer at Camp Vail, using a Curtiss H. plane, made a flight over Fort Hancock and from an altitude of 2,000 feet communicated with their control station by wireless.  Continuing 10 miles out to sea they picked up wireless communication with a dirigible.  The duration of their flight was 50 minutes.[ix]

Captain Marvel’s work improving aviation telecommunications earned him at least two more patents.  One for those throat-mounted microphones everyone has seen strapped around the necks of pilots in the old war movies.


An object of this invention is to provide a transmitter for electrical reception which is uninfluenced by the passage of strong wind and inert toward noises extraneous of the sounds or speech transmitted.

 . . . In the preferred form of my invention the transmitter is adapted to be positioned at the throat of the operator and is constructed and arranged to permit proper body movement of the operator incident to driving or operating airplanes, automobiles or the like, and to be sealed automatically against the high wind current and against the reception of influence of extraneous noises. . . .


Another one was for one of the earliest altimeters, and also included an audible low-altitude warning signal for landing in low-visibility conditions.



With the war over, and his work with the military complete, Orin Marvel turned his super-powers to civilian radio reception.  But despite his new status as a civilian, he retained “Captain” as an honorific title throughout the rest of his life.

During the 1920s, Captain Marvel teamed up with Charles F. Kettering in the DAY-FAN radio company.  Marvel was in good company at DAY-FAN; Charles Kettering had made significant contributions to the early days of NCR, founded DELCO and would later head up the General Motor’s Research Corporation for nearly thirty years.  His name is perhaps best-known today from the Sloane-Kettering Cancer Center.  One of Marvel’s successes at DAY-FAN was to create an alternating-current power supply for home radio receivers, so that they could be plugged into an outlet without the need for what was at the time, more cumbersome, expensive and less powerful batteries.

Captain Marvel may have had super-powers, but he was only human.  His first wife died in 1926 after nearly twenty years of marriage.  When he remarried in 1934, an ex-girlfriend sued him for $75,000 for breach of promise, a high price-tag that put the otherwise personal difficulty into the national news.
 
The Evening Sun (Baltimore, Maryland), June 28, 1934, page 1.

In the 1930s, Captain Marvel pioneered another field of technology, audiometry, developing audiometers, audiograms and hearing aids for the Sonotone Corporation.

 
Capt. O. E. Marvel, who played a part in establishing the first unit of sound measurement while affiliated with the United States Bureau of Standards, has developed what he calls an “ear gymnasium”  for the correction of deafness.

Its purpose is to exercise the ear drum and train it to register sound.  The contrivance combines the principles of radio, phonograph and telephone.

The Morning News (Wilmington, Delaware), March 11, 1933, page 13.



Capt. O. E. Marvel of the audiometer division of the Sonotone Corp. will be at the Eau Claire Hotel on Tuesday, Oct. 25th . . . for the purpose of making audiometric tests and audiograms of hearing losses.

Leader-Telegram(Eau Claire, Wisconsin), October 25, 1938, page 6.

Life Magazine, September 3, 1940, page 15.
 
But sadly, with his personal life apparently back on track and a new career attracting national attention, Captain Marvel passed away a few short months after his picture appeared in Life Magazine.


White Plains, N. Y., March 3 (AP) – Capt. O. E. Marvel, U. S. A. (retired), who organized the radio and telephone system of the United States Army Air Corps in France during the World War, died at a hospital here Saturday.

Captain Marvel, 55, took part in the battles of St. Mihiel and the Meuse-Argonne and was cited for distinguished service.  After the war, working at McCook Air Field, Dayton, Ohio, he developed one of the earliest airplane altimeters.  Recently he had been engaged in the manufacture of electrical hearing equipment.

The Baltimore Sun, March 4, 1941, page 11.

It’s not quite as glamorous as the fictional “Captain Marvel” saving the Skrulls from the Krees, or something like that (was I supposed to say “spoiler alert!”), but the real Captain Marvel’s contributions to aviation and audiometrics may have helped save the world twice and may have saved your hearing. 


More Captains Marvel

While Captain Orin E. Marvel may be the best-known of the real Captains Marvel, he was not the only one.  In 1972, a young Air Force Academy grad named celebrated his promotion to Captain by donning a non-regulation uniform, and posing with the blonde and brunette stewardess friends who made the uniform in a scene seemingly taken straight out of Three’s Company (did Mr. Roper take the picture?).

The Daily News (Lebanon, Pennsylvania), June 7, 1972, page 28.

Three years later, a reporter from the Los Angeles Times tracked him down to see how it felt being the real Captain Marvel.  Apart from than the occasional “Shazam!” reflexively screeched at him over the phone after announcing his name, he said it wasn’t such a big deal.  A comic book company had asked him to do some promotional work after seeing his picture in the paper, but the military said no.  And in any case, he wasn’t the only Captain Marvel in the Air force.  Shortly after his promotion, he received a letter from a Captain Marvel in Germany informing him that there were at least five Captains Marvel in the Air Force at the time.[x]

He may not have been the only one, but he had the coolest uniform.






[i]The Bronson Pilot (Bronson, Kansas), August 8, 1907, page 8 (“Orin Marvel has been putting in new phones and doing other work for the Mutual company . . . .”
[ii]“Who Was the Real Captain Marvel,” hearinghealthmatters.org, December 26, 2017(In my defense at the inevitable copyright infringement case, I wrote my post on the “Real Captain America” and had already begun researching my post on the “Real Captain Marvel” before running across this excellent piece – sometimes great minds do think alike).
[iii]The Bronson Pilot, February 6, 1914, page 8 (“Orin was recently granted a patent on a device for measuring and filling transmitter buttons, which has been accepted by the Western Electric Company”).  I have been unable to track down this patent.
[iv]The Service of the Missouri National Guard on the Mexican Border, Jefferson City, The Hugh Stephens Co., 1919, page 459; Bronson Pilot, October 20, 1916, page 4 (“. . . he had been promoted to first lieutenant, skipping second lieutenant, and that he is in Kansas City as a recruiting officer.).
[v] A letter home, published in the Bronson Pilot, December 25, 1918, page 1.
[vi]Ibid.
[vii]Ibid.
[viii]Army and Navy Journal, December 13, 1919, page 455.
[ix]Army and Navy Register, June 14, 1919, page 766.
[x]Los Angeles Times, December 22, 1975, page 33.

Sweet, Elite Madness - an Alliterative History of March Madness, Sweet Sixteen, Elite Eight and Cinderella at the Big Dance

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Indianapolis News, March 28, 1936, page 1.



It’s MARCH MADNESS!!!  Time for a CINDERELLA team to go to the BIG DANCE!!!

Time to winnow the field down to the SWEET SIXTEEN!!! and the ELITE EIGHT!!!

In American pop-culture, all of these expressions are widely associated with NCAA Division I championship basketball tournament, where they were popularized by television basketball analysts like Al McGuire, Brent Musburger and Dick Vitale during the late-1970s and early 1980s.  

Most of these expressions, however, are much older.  “March Madness” and “Sweet Sixteen,” for example, were firmly entrenched high school basketball idioms in Indiana during the 1930s, “Cinderella” was commonplace by the 1940s, and “Elite Eight” was standard in Illinois high school basketball during the 1950s.  “March Madness” and “Sweet Sixteen” both had long histories as non-basketball idioms before James Naismith wrote the rules of basketball in 1891.


March Madness
Before Basketball

“March Madness” is older than the NCAA men’s basketball tournament – and older than basketball itself.  It was derived from the old expression, “as mad as a March hare” which has “been around since at least the mid-1500s,” originally as a reference to “the phenomenon of hares becoming very aggressive during breeding season in March.”[i] 

Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher, playwright contemporaries of William Shakespeare whose fame rivaled the Bard’s during his lifetime, used the adjectival precursor, “March mad,” several times in the early 1600s.

The noun version, “March Madness,” appeared in print as early as 1825, in a criticism of a rival newspaper’s positions on tariffs and foreign affairs.


The Spring Fever.

“Mad as a March hare,” is an old adage, and applies with great force to the condition of the Courantabout these days.  As often as the year comes round, and just about the time of the breaking up of the ice, the Courant is seized with a strange nervousness on the subject of “Protection,” a sort of sexual phrenzy which never shows itself at any other season.

This propensity to go crazy about the tariff, once in twelve months, is a very proper matter for medical inquiry, and if looked into as it deserves to be, might suggest some useful hints for the medical jurisprudence of the country.

. . . To conquer Cuba is the mild dictate of common sense, while to protect American Industry is ‘March’ madness!

By the late-1800s the expression was regularly used to describe March weather.

-- Sunday night's severe snow storm, blustering, blow and wild wind was a let loose of old-fashioned March madness without method or merit.  A friend suggested that it was next winter.

The Clarion Democrat (Clarion, Pennsylvania) March 20, 1869, page 3.



MARCH MADNESS 

New York, March 28. -- New York experienced a somewhat topsy-turvy early morning to-day, due to a heavy wind, blinding snow and frozen sidewalks and streets.  Cars collided with each other or with automobiles, signs and fences were blown down and trees uprooted, pedestrians were knocked over by trolley or motorcars or by mail trucks, one woman was blown into the East river, but was rescued, a frozen rail caused a short circuit which set fire to an elevated train and the rush hour traffic generally was hampered.  A dozen persons were injured, several being removed to hospitals.

Harrisburg Telegraph (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), March 28, 1919, page 1.

During the early decades of the 1900s, the expression was used in a several weather-related poems.

Des Moines Register, March 8, 1923, page 12.

Chicago Tribune, March 18, 1923, page 21.

Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1929, page 12.

A third poem mixed its weather and spring courtship metaphors.

March Madness.
By S. E. Kiser.

In the wild and windy month of March I met her.
I was merry, with the spirit of the Spring;
Her beauty made me wish that I could get her
To learn to look to me for everything. . . .

In the gusty month when winds become the maddest
I settled for the hearty lunch she ate;
Of all the people there, I was the gladdest;
How daintily she scooped things from her plate! . . .

In the month of March we took a ride together;
The taxi man drove wisely – to the park;
I told him that we didn’t mind the weather
And had no dread of riding after dark; . . .

It was in the month of March that, snuggling near me,
She told me of the husband that she had;
“Come out,” she said, “and help to make him fear me;
He has walloped both my brother and my dad!
Come out and give him chase,
And I’ll promise you his place;
You shall wed me when his hateful claim expires –
There was mist upon her hair
When I paid the taxi fare-
I am not at home, if any one inquires.

Pittsburgh Press, March 17, 1921, page 12.

In 1921, Babe Ruth broke Roger Conner’s career homerun record while setting a new single-season record with 59 homeruns, setting off fan frenzy in spring training the following season.  One baseball scribe dubbed the intense interest in the Babe’s meaningless, pre-season homeruns a form of madness – “March Madness.”

MARCH MADNESS.

The rooters raise a mighty shout
   And make the well-known welkin ring
When Ruth achieves a four-base clout,
   Although it doesn’t mean a thing.


Spring training may have been interesting for Yankees’ fans in 1922, but it was generally (then as now) a relatively hum-drum affair.  High-school basketball, on the other hand, provided excitement on an annual basis. 

In Indiana in particular, the high school basketball tournament became a form of madness – “basketball madness.”

Lansing State Journal (Lansing, Michigan), March 21, 1925, page 17.


“THE DAY” HAS ARRIVED.

The night before Christmas may intrigue a number of little folk and those who minister to their desires.  For those who have ceased to believe in Santa Claus, however, it scarcely can compete with the all-important date which marks the opening of the annual state high school basketball tournament. 

To say that the fans are agog would be putting it mildly.  All the enthusiasm which has been accumulating during the last twelve months scarcely diminished by the occasional effervescence of the playing season, is not ready to burst forth in a frenzy of basketball madness.

The Indianapolis Star, March 1, 1929, page 8.

Coming as it did in March every year, “March Madness” was a natural fit.  The expression was first used no later than 1931.[ii]  The earliest known example played off the conventional March madness-as-weather usage.

March Madness

The elimination of Anderson Tech, Columbus and Shelbyville were only mere flurries of what is to follow this week at the various basketball conventions in sixteen regional cities.  – Newcastle Courier-Times.

Rushville Republican (Rushville, Indiana), March 11, 1931, page 2

This early use may have been a one-off.  The next-earliest example of “March Madness” in reference to a basketball tournament appeared in 1937.  In any case, it was certainly not yet standard in 1931.  A report of the Indiana state finals that same year used “basketball madness,” not “March Madness.”

Butler Fieldhouse, Indianapolis, March 21. – Indiana’s basketball madness reached its peak here to-night as Muncie’s Bear Cats and Greencastle’s Cubs tore into each other for the state high school championship.  They were the survivors of a total of 766 quintets whch three weeks aago began play for the title.

The South Bend Tribune (South Bend, Indiana), March 22, 1931, page 8.

“Basketball madness,” and not “March Madness,” appeared regularly, if infrequently, through 1936.

[A]ll eyes were on the Jefferson-West Side encounter this afternoon.  “Basketball madness” at its best!

Journal and Courier (Lafayette, Indiana), March 2, 1935, page 9.

Muncie Evening Press (Muncie, Indiana), March 18, 1935, page 4.

In 1936, on the occasion of the 25thanniversary of the Indiana State High Basketball Tournament, an Associated Press item appearing in several newspapers used the expression, “basketball madness.”

Crawfordsville, Ind., Feb. 19. J- Indiana, now in the throes of its annual basketball madness will stop cheering the 1936 teams long enough on Feb. 22 to honor the nine men who, as members of the Crawforsville High school team, won the first state interscholastic tournament back in 1911.

South Bend Tribune (South Bend, Indiana), February 19, 1936, Section 3, page 2.

In 1937, an Associated Press appearing in several newspapers used the expression, “March Madness.”

Journal and Courier (Lafayette, Indiana), January 5, 1937, page 13.

But the expression may have been in regular use before 1937, even outside of Indiana, as suggested by its use in the neighboring state of Michigan that same year:

High school basketball tournament time, oft referred to as March Madness, is with us in full force.

The Escanaba Daily Press (Escanaba, Michigan), March 7, 1937, page 36.

Within a few years, “March Madness” would be in regular and frequent use throughout the Midwest, including in Illinois (1940), Iowa (1941), Ohio (1944) and Wisconsin (1947).

Other states also had basketball tournaments, but without the attendant “madness.”  In Nevada, for example, one newspaper used “March Madness,” without any hint of irony or humor, to describe tax season on the same page as it reported the results of a local conference basketball tournament:

Nevada State Journal (Reno, Nevada), March 1, 1939, page 1.

But not all basketball tournaments were equally “mad.”  A distinguishing element of what made Midwestern “March Madness” particularly crazy was the fact that every team in the state took part in the tournament, providing a longer tournament season, more games, more hope, more risk, and paving the way for more crazy, maddening upsets. 

In 1945, a region of New York adopted a similar format.  An article announcing the new format explained the difference between a conventional tournament and what was then understood as “March Madness.”

Called ‘March Madness’

Preliminary plans for tournament play are well under way, it was said today by Kurt Beyer of Norwich, sectional chairman.

Tournament basketball, under the sponsorship of the state association, will be the feature athletic attraction of the month of March.  Known in the Midwest as “March Madness, the sport will be available for each of the 85 schools in Section-Four.

The tournament plan for the section is comparable to that employed in the Midwestern states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and others where all schools are permitted to enter the play for championships.  Contrasted to this is the plan prevalent in other sections of this state where only league winners meet in eliminations for championships in various classes of schools.

Press and Sun-Bulletin (Binghamton, New York), February 1, 1945, page 15.

Even though every team in Indiana could participate in the early rounds of the state high school basketball tournament, only a select few were invited to Indianapolis for the last few rounds; sixteen teams – the “Sweet Sixteen.” 


Sweet Sixteen

Like “March Madness,” “Sweet Sixteen” had a long history as an unrelated idiom before it was picked up in basketball.  And even then, the earliest examples of it in basketball referred to pre-season or pre-tournament rankings, and not the final sixteen teams remaining in a tournament. 

          Before Basketball
Los Angeles Sunday Herald, April 3, 1910, Section 4, page 4.

Then, as now, “Sweet Sixteen” was used to describe young girls in the flower of youth as they bloomed into adulthood. The expression is found in the poem, Wyoming, by an American poet named Fitz-Greene Halleck, said to have been written in 1821.

WYOMING

Thou com’st, in beauty, on my gaze at last,
“On Susquehannah’s side fair Wyoming!”
Image of many a dream in hours long past,
When life was in its bud and blossoming,
And waters gushing from the fountain spring . . .

. . .
 There’s one in the next field – of sweet sixteen, –
Singing, and summoning thoughts of beauty born
In heaven, with her jacket of light green,
“Love-darting eyes, and tresses like the morn,” . . .

June, 1821.               F. G. H.

New York Evening Post, February 10, 1827, page 2.

Another American poet, William B. Tappan, used the expression in 1822.

To a Lady of Sixteen
By W. B. Tappan.

Lady! While gaily opes on you
The world’s alluring, witching smile;
While flowers of every form and hue
Spring forth, your pathway to beguile –
O Lady, in the bursting dawn
Of hope, may real bliss be seen,
May bland contentment gild your morn,
And peace be yours at fond SIXTEEN.

. . .

Though cloudless suns for thee may rise,
And bright the joys that for thee shine;
O who may tell these beauteous skies,
These cloudless suns shall long be thine;
Yet long may these your day illume,
And may not storms, with rigor keen,
Assail the flower that loves to bloom
On the fair cheek of sweet SIXTEEN.

American Repertory and Advertiser (Burlington, Vermont), September 3, 1822, page 4.

“Sweet Sixteen” was used as a trademark for beauty products as early as 1884.[iii]



A “sweet sixteen birthday party” or “sweet sixteen party” was a “thing” by the 1880s.

Miss Blanche Loriomr gave a “sweet sixteen” birthday party on Saturday evening to a number of the “sweet sixteens”of the town.

Jackson County Banner (Brownstown, Indiana), February 11, 1886, page 1.

“Sweet Sixteen and never been kissed” appeared several decades later.

Sweet sixteen and never been kissed. Inquire of W. Duland for free samples.

The Marion Star(Marion, Ohio), December 21, 1892, page 5.

“Of course I went, I was a little country girl, ‘Sweet-sixteen-and-never-been-kissed’ kind of one you know.”

Juniata Sentinel and Republican (Mifflintown, Pennsylvania), April 12, 1893, page 4.

In the early 1900s,there were several “Sweet Sixteen” songs and stage acts.

The Austin American (Texas), November 30, 1919, Section C, page 3.

In 1917, the White automobile company sold a car with a four-cylinder, sixteen-valve engine as, “The Sweet Sixteen.”

Los Angeles Times, July 1, 1917, Part 6, page 4.

In a report of an automobile race in Los Angeles in 1923, “Sweet Sixteen” took on a meaning more closely related to the later basketball usage.


With every one of the sixteen racing cars entered for next Sunday’s big championship motor event at the Los Angeles Speedway so fast that speed qualification elimination tests have been abandoned as needless, there will be no “scratches” of entrants.

This announcement . . . was made after it became known that not a car of the “sweet sixteen” has done less than 107 to 108 miles per hour in last week’s informal practice laps.

Los Angeles Times, February 19, 1923, Sports News, page 1.

“Sweet Sixteen” was still in regular use in its conventional sense as well.

The Post-Star(Glens Falls, New York), March 25, 1926, page 6.
Minneapolis Star, July 14, 1926, page 1.

          Basketball

The earliest examples of “Sweet Sixteen,” as applied to high school basketball tournaments in Indiana, did not refer to the sixteen teams playing in the final rounds of a tournament, as is generally the case today.   Instead, they referred to pre-season or pre-tournament predictions of the best teams in the county or state, or the teams expected to make it to the final weekend of the tournament in Indianapolis.

In 1927, a sports columnist in Muncie, Indiana invited readers to send in their lists of the best teams in their respective counties.  Three readers submitted lists with varying numbers of teams, each one cribbing the name of their list from some other source. 

Dan from Muncie, for example, submitted his “Big Ten” in the state, likely a reference to the collegiate athletic conference known by that name since the 1917 season.  Bob from Yorktown submitted his “Natural Eleven” of Delaware County, a nod to the game of Craps.  And finally, Bolivar and Jushua of Randolph County submitted their “Sweet Sixteen” of that county.

Star Press(Muncie, Indiana), March 3, 1927, page 10.

A few weeks later, an Associated Press article used the same expression to refer to the sixteen teams playing for the championship in Indianapolis.


INDIANAPOLIS, March 18. – Sixteen high school basketball teams entered the exposition building at the state fair grounds today, each quintet hopeful of wearing home tomorrow night the crown emblematic of the Indiana interscholastic championship.

The sweet sixteen were survivors of the starting field of 731 that dwindled to sixty-four two weeks ago in the sectional tournaments and shrunk to 16 in the regionals last week.

Journal and Courier (Lafayette, Indiana), March 18, 1927, page 1.

By 1928, the new expression was idiomatic.

“Sweet sixteen” also applies to the contestants in the high school basketball finals.

The Indianapolis Star, March 14, 1928; The Star Press(Muncie, Indiana), March 16, 1928, page 6.


INDIANAPOLIS, March 9 – (AP) – A few more hours and well will know who will be the Sweet Sixteen.

Palladium-Item (Richmond, Indiana), March 9, 1929, page 11.

Journal and Courier (Lafayette, Indiana), March 20, 1931, page 12.


BACK HOME AFTER SEEING THE “SWEET SIXTEEN.”

The Indianapolis News, March 14, 1935, page 18.

By 1935, Illinois joined Indiana in hosting a “Sweet Sixteen” in its state capital to wind up the state high school basketball championship tournament.

Champaign. March 20. – (AP) – The “Sweet Sixteen” of Illinois high school basketball, last of a field of 860, will pair off here tomorrow for the opening round of the state tournament.

The Dispatch(Moline, Illinois), March 20, 1935, page 18.

It was in Illinois, a decade later, that “Elite Eight” would become idiomatic in basketball tournament lingo.

Elite Eight

As was the case with “March Madness” and “Sweet Sixteen,” there were a few, random examples of its use in basketball and other sports became a common basketball tournament idiom.  William Mullins posted several early examples of “Elite Eight” on an online discussion board hosted by the American Dialect Society, each of which appear to be one-off, literal, pre-idiomatic uses of the expression.

"A week ago the qualifying round of this competition was played and the elite eight to emerge into the match play tourney were:  R. M. Eyre, David Duncan, Wilberforce Williams, Leslie Comyn, D. Hardy, A. S. Lilley, R. J. Davis and Dr. Tufts." [golf tournament]

San Francisco Chronicle, August 7, 1913, page 9.

"Home clubs that go into the race rather hopelessly are going to be surprised to find themselves among the elite eight.  Eight teams are to continue in match play after the qualifying round." [golf tournament]

Cleveland Plain Dealer (Ohio), May 26, 1926, page 23.

"Ottumwa's record is slightly better, the "mystery" five having scored an average of 30 points per game in tourney competition while holding its opponents to a bare 14 tallies, the lowest of any of the elite eight." [Iowa state basketball tournament]

Daily Nonpareil (Council Bluffs, Iowa), March 15, 1928, page 8.

On at least one occasion, the survivors of the first round of the “Sweet Sixteen” in Indiana were referred to as the “elite eight,”[iv]but it does not appear to have been idiomatic, as I could not find any other examples in print during the period.

 “Elite Eight” first appears regularly in Ohio during the early 1950s.  But in Ohio, which had abandoned the traditional “March Madness” format for a two-class system with big schools and smaller schools competing in separate tournaments, the “Elite Eight” of 1951 were the eight teams, four from Class A and four from Class B, competing in the semi-finals – not the final eight teams in a single tournament. 

When “Elite Eight” came into its own in Illinois in the mid-1950s, it wasn’t without controversy.  In 1954, the state of Illinois floated the idea of reducing the number of teams it invited to Champaign for the last few rounds of the championship tournament.

AN UNFOUNDED RUMOR has the “Sweet 16” doomed for a couple of years at least. . . .  If the tourney goes to eight teams (and it will) . . . it will be referred to as the “Elite Eight.” . . . A four-team affair would be called . . . “Fortunate Four.”

Galesburg Register-Mail (Galesburg, Illinois), April 30, 1954, page 21.

Two years later, the prediction came to pass – at least as to the number of teams in the tournament, if not the name.  Like the Big 10, which clings to its well-known, numerical trademark despite a fluid number of members, the powers-that-be of the Illinois basketball bureaucracy fought logic and human nature to hang on to the tried-and-true “Sweet Sixteen,” even in the face of overwhelming resistance.  “Elite Eight” would win the day, but there were plenty of alternatives.


SPRINGFIELD – UP – The Illinois High School Assn., meeting Wednesday to arrange its new eight-team basketball tournament finals, said the meet will still be called the “Sweet Sixteen.”

. . . It was pointed out sports writers and announcers are already talking of the “Elite Eight,” and the “V for victory Eight,” and the IHSA had better name the tournament while it had a chance.

“It’s still the ‘Sweet Sixteen’”, an IHSA member insisted.

. . . They have opened the floodgates to what may develop into one of the biggest name-calling contests ever to hit the state’s sports pages.

They have declared open season on the “______ Eight.”

When thousands of fans are setting battered and dazed in the wake of adjectives flowing from the typewriters and lips of sports writers, then perhaps they will strive to bring order.  It will be too late.

So if this tournament is to be named, for the coeds, we suggest “Embraceable, Endearing or Enchanting Eight.”

Coaches may like the “Enormous Eight,” educators the “Enlightened Eight” or “Educated Eight,” winners the “Invincible Eight,” losers the “Erratic Eight” or “Exasperating Eight.”

Fans my like the “Expert,” “Evasive” or “Errorless Eight.”

In the locker rooms on victory night they will be the “Elated Eight,” while to other schoos they may be the “Envied Eight.”

And to those who wanted the “Sweet Sixteen” forever, they now can look forward only to the “Endless or perhaps Eternal eight.”

The Daily Chronicle (De Kalb, Illinois), November 17, 1955, page 20.

Thankfully, in the end, logic prevailed.


Alton Evening Telegraph (Alton, Illinois), March 17, 1956, page 13.

Cinderella

The proverbial “Cinderella” team has been a regular feature of basketball reportage since at least 1936.  The name might easily have been simply borrowed from the well-known fairytale, but given the timing of several early examples, it seems likely that the new use of the word was as much, if not more, by the nickname of boxer James J. Braddock, the “Cinderella man,” who rose from obscurity to win the heavyweight title from Max Baer in 1935 (Braddock would lose the title to Joe Louis in 1937).
Chillicothe Gazette, March 23, 1936, page 9.
Carroll Daily Herald (Carroll, Iowa), December 31, 1937, page 4.

“Cinderellas” were a dime-a-dozen in high school basketball tournaments by the early 1940s.  But the two earliest examples “Cinderella” teams in a high-profile, major college basketball tournaments I found are both from 1944, when the “Cinderella Team” from St. John’s University, champions of the National Invitational Tournament (N. I. T.), squared off against the “Cinderella Kids” from the University of Utah, champions of the NCAA national championship tournament, for the “Mythical” national championship, at a time when the N. I. T. and NCAA tournaments had equal stature.

Rapid City Journal (Rapid City, South Dakota), March 27, 1944, page 6.
Daily Herald(Provo, Utah), March 29, 1944, page 4.

Daily Sentinel(Grand Junction, Colorado), March 31, 1944, page 10.


Big Dance

The title character in the classic fairytale Cinderella was famously invited to a royal ball.  And since a royal ball is nothing more than a big dance, “Big Dance” was a natural fit to describe “March Madness,” with its endless possibilities of “Cinderellas” sneaking into the “Sweet Sixteen” or “Elite Eight.”  It may have been a natural fit, but it was apparently not immediately obvious.  The earliest example I could find is from 1976, and it did not become a popular expression until the 1980 NCAA basketball tournament.

One writer in Illinois, however, nearly connected the dots in 1951.


This week Cinderella will continue polishing the woodwork, taking time out only for non-league dances with Chicago Teachers and Carroll College.  She plans to do a quick Charleston with Chicago tonight on the Teachers’ own dance floorin the Windy City, and has invited Carroll to DeKalb for a cake walk next Saturday.

The Daily Chronicle, February 20, 1951, page 14.

In 1976, Depaul University’s athletic director, Gene Sullivan, likened his team to Cinderella and the NCAA tournament to a ball.

“We’re the last ones invited to the ball, but, like Cinderella, we hope to have a good time,” said Sullivan.  “Meyer should be coach of the year.  We lost three regulars from last year and took on a suicide schedule. 

Chicago Tribune, March 8, 1976, Section 4, page 1.

A few weeks later, a newspaper in Tampa, Florida, referred to the Florida state high school basketball tournament as a “big dance” in a piece bemoaning the drop-off in talent following the graduation of several recent stars of the tournament, including future NBA superstars Darryl Dawkins, Otis Birdsong, and Michael Thompson.

Perhaps it was befitting that the 1976 tournament was not such a great one.  It might have been fitting that the attendance was poor.

For indeed, it was good old Jacksonville’s last year for the big dance.

It was coming to an end.

The tournament will move to Lakeland’s Civic Center for at least the next three years.

The Tampa Tribune, March 16, 1976, page 2 C.

By 1980, and increasingly afterward, the “Big Dance” became a common euphemism for the Final Four of the NCAA Division I National Basketball Tournament.



 If Billy Tubbs is thinkin’ about dustin’ off his dancin’ shoes, he’s gonna have to hot-foot it past Clemson tonight.

“We sure would like to go to the prom,” Tubbs, Lamar University’s coach, says.  That, of course, is the Final Four, the next-to-last step to the NCAA basketball championship.

Times-Tribune(Scranton, Pennsylvania), March 13 1980 page 32.

For a good time, Al Wood likes to lace up his dancin’ shoes and head for the nearest disco.  He’s no two-left-footed stumblebum off the streets, either.  His teammates on last year’s touring Olympics team report that the silky senior forward on North Carolina could git down, boogie and shake his booty with the best of them.

Wood wore sneakers to The Big Dance, a popular euphemism for the NCAA Final four . . . .

Tampa Bay Times(St. Petersburg, Florida), March 29, 1981, page 11C.

Today, grade-inflation being what it is, the “Big Dance” frequently refers to the entire tournament.

Darryl Dawkins, Otis Birdsong and Michael Thompson all playing in the same high school tournament???

That was a Big Dance.



[iii]Official Gazette of the United States Patent Office, August 15, 1916, page 931 (Sweet Sixteen trademark, alleging use since 1884 on “face or complexion powders.”
[iv]Journal and Courier (Lafayette, Indiana), December 29, 1938, page 16 (“Lebanon once lost something like 16 games during the regular schedule, yet won its way to the elite eight in the state finals . . . .”).

Shipping News and Starlets - a Revealing History of Cheesecake

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The expression, “Cheesecake. . . a photographic display of shapely and scantily clothed female figures”[i]was coined by a ship news photographer at a time when a bare knee was about as scanty as the clothing went.

Newspaper photographers early discovered the “cheesecake,” that photograph peculiar to front pages which shows an attractive young woman perched on a ship’s railing with her legs crossed.[ii]

On September 30, 1915, noted Russian baritone, George Baklanoff, arrived in New York City on the French steamer Espagne enroute to Boston for a return engagement with the Boston Grand Opera Company.  By his side for the first time was a young singer on her first trip to the United States, Elvira Amazar.


She caught the eye of a ship news photographer, hiked her skirt up just the teensyest-weensyest bit for a few “revealing” (by 1915 standards) photographs, believed to be the very first “Cheesecake” pictures by that name and inspiration for a new idiom.

Philadelphia Inquirer, October 2, 1915, page 2.



The apparent source of the origin story was published years later, in 1953, in a one-off magazine-style pictorial with Marilyn Monroe on the cover, Cheesecake: An American Phenomenon.



Legend has it that an enterprising New York ship news photographer once asked a beautiful woman to lift her skirt ever so little to make a better picture.  The beautiful woman complied.  When the editor, something of a gourmet, saw the picture on his desk, he exclaimed, “Why this is better than cheesecake!”  The photograph above, taken by ship news cameraman George Miller of the Bain News Service on September 30, 1915, may be the first “cheesecake” photo published in the American press.  The beautiful woman who pleased the cameraman was Elvira Amazar, a Russian diva, just arrived by ship in New York, to sing in the Boston Opera Company.

Cheesecake: An American Phenomenon, Dunellen, New Jersey, Hillman Periodicals, 1953.

While it may be impossible to prove these specific claims beyond a shadow of a doubt, several elements of the story are supported by documentary evidence.  The stated date of arrival is verified by contemporary reports.  The name of the news organization, Bain News Service, appeared in print in some of the contemporary examples of the published photos, and the name can be seen written on what appears to be a surviving original print, and the image number hand-printed on another image corresponds to similar numbering on the one marked “© Bain.”     

 
Although the identity of the photographer cannot be conclusively determined, there was in fact a well-known, experienced news photographer named George Miller who joined the Hearst organization in the mid-1920s.

Urbane George Miller, a veteran of the Hearst service, is in charge of the squad of “still” men from the American and Journal . . . .  Benny Aumuller has been with the Hearst papers twenty-five years, George Miller eleven years.  You have seen their sports pictures in The American and Journal many times.

The Evening News (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania), January 7, 1935, page 12.

George Miller was still taking the occasional “cheesecake” pics in the 1960s.

And although “cheesecake” does not appear in print before 1930, the practice of taking the hiked-skirt, exposed-knee shots was a well-established trope before 1930.


When the ship news photographers discovered Paramount’s pet, she was ready for them in the shortest skirt extant and wearing high novelty white boots, and as pliant as molasses taffy.

She crossed her knees, exhibiting a long length of limb for a five-foot actress, she worked earnestly with them to uphold the tradition of all those other Hungarian, French and Russian dancers and actresses who have posed on so many ship railings for so many years for so many cynical ship news photographers.

The Boston Globe, March 30, 1926, page

Lya de Putti in the “shortest skirt extant and wearing high novelty white boots.”

The practice was stale enough by the late-1920s that at least one writer hoped for a little variety.

There seems to be room, however, for originality among ship news photographers.  We are tuning up for a full-throated Gloria in Excelsis for the one who poses a returning actress aboard ship with her skirts covering her knees.

Pittsburgh Sun-Telegraph, July 16, 1928, page 24.

 And even if it wasn’t George Miller, in particular, who took the first “cheesecake” photo or his editor at the Bain News Service who coined the expression, it was likely coined by someone similarly situated.  The earliest known example of “cheesecake” in print specifically identifies ship news photographers as the source of the expression.


Dorothy Mackaill, blondely attractive, posing for press photographers . . . . . They skidded in their intentions to get a “cheese-cake picture” . . . .  In case you’re a bit rusty in ship news vernacular a cheese-cake picture is one in which the subject exposes her legs . . . . The tabs eat ‘em up . . . .

The Film Daily, September 11, 1930, page 5.

Another early example provided a similar, though slightly narrower definition.  It also illustrated that not all young starlets were as cooperative as others.

No Cheesecake

Wendy Hiller, pretty, 20, and arriving in the Cunard White Star liner Berengaria to play here in “Love On the Dole”, in which she appeared for a year in London, was too much afraid of the frigid American weather prevailing to go on deck to pose for the ship news photographers while the ship lay off the New York Quarantine station, at Rosebank, Staten Island, and asked that the pictures be made in her stateroom.

Thither the photographers went.

“Young and pretty”, observed one of the lens knights.

“Yes”, mused another; “We’ll have to get some cheesecake.”

“Cheesecake”, by the way is the ship news name for a photograph showing a girl sitting on the ship’s rail with her legs crossed, her right arm held aloft and her skirt pulled high enough to show her knees. 

Such pictures have long been one of the principal attractions for the ship news photographers on arrival day.

But Miss Hiller wouldn’t go up to the ship’s rail; she would have to be photographed in her room.

Undaunted, the photographers sat her on a small bureau, and arranged her very neatly.

Then one of them suggested that she show a bit of knee, as this was a great American custom.

“Young man”, she said with a smile and a certain among of British positiveness, “I came here to show my talents, not my knees.”

So there was no cheesecake.

Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut), February 23, 1936, page 2.

Nope. No cheesecake here.
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, February 15, 1936, page 2.

One of the reasons Wendy Hiller may have been taken aback when asked to provide some “cheesecake” upon her arrival in the States, is that the custom was uniquely American and unfamiliar to her.  When the British actress Anna Neagle first arrived in the United States on the Aquitania in 1937, ship news photographers posed her for some traditional, American “cheesecake,” precisely as it was defined in the report of Wendy Hiller’s arrival, “sitting on the ship’s rail with her legs crossed, her right arm held aloft and her skirt pulled high enough to show her knees” – well, perhaps not all of her knee, she being a modest Brit, after all. She’s on the right.

New York Daily News, October 13, 1937, Manhattan Section, page 4.


Anna Neagle wrote about the experience two years later before returning to England to help with the war effort.

Naturally, I realized there would be some difference in making pictures between the two places.  But I hadn’t the faintest idea what they were.  I began getting a bit of an idea the day we landed in New York!

. . . I was still in a slight fog, still lost in those early-war days, when the reporters came on the ship.  “Okay, Miss Neagle,” said a photographer, “now let’s have a little cheese cake, please.”

I blinked.  Cheese cake?  “I’ll call the steward to see if we can get some,” I said.  How those men laughed! “We don’t want to eat it,” they informed me.  “cheese cake means that we’d like you to sit on the rail, cross your knees, and turn on the glamour for a picture.!”

“What I Found Out About Hollywood,” Anna Neagle, Silver Screen, Volume 9, Number 12, October, 1931, page 44.

The expression does not appear to have gone mainstream until the early 1940s, at about the same time GIs started collecting “pin-up girls” during World War II.  There was, however, at least one early example of “cheesecake” in popular fiction, suggesting that the expression had started to expand from its ship-and-knee-specific meaning into something more general by the early-1930s.  Ironically, perhaps (for something so racy), it was in a book about the wholesome Iowa State Fair.  In Phil Stong’s book, “State Fair,” later adapted for the screen as a Rodgers and Hammerstein musical, a photographer for the Des Moines Register asks Mrs. Frake and her daughter Margy to stop and pose for a few pictures after Mrs. Frake won first prize in three categories of pickles.

“Stand still a minute, will you, lady? Both of you stand still.  I want to take your pictures for the Register. . . .

Without going into the matter farther, Mrs. Frake posed. “Wish you had a jar of pickles,” the photographer said, “but this is going to be an exclusive, any way you look at it.  Just smile the way you did, will you?  Oh, that’s fine! Put your hand on your hip to hold up your dress a little – no! – I’ve got to get a little cheesecake in this picture!”

“Cheesecake,” said Margy. “What’s that?”

“Don’t be stupid.  It’s display of the female figure.  It’s just a word us cameramen use.  Meaning something it’s always a soft job to photograph – well, anyway – stand quiet – there’s one – two – three. Thanks!”

Phil Stong, State Fair, as serialized in The Des Moines Register, August 21, 1932, Section 10, page 3.

But whatever the source, “cheesecake” became a permanent piece of American pop-culture and a new word in the –“legsicon.”  
News-Palladium(Benton Harbor, Michigan), November 11, 1939, page 4.


In the interest of gender equity, let us not forget the male equivalent, “beefcake.”  It dates to about 1949, and may have been coined by the publicity department at Universal-International Studios.  The first “beefcake” picture to be known by that name may have been an image of the reluctant sex-symbol and British film actor, Philip Friend.

That charming young British actor, Philip Friend, whom you’ll see opposite Yvonne De Carlo in “Buccaneer’s Girl,” has a fan who’s persistent, to put it mildly.  She wrote asking for a picture of him in bathing trunks and when he replied politely that he wasn’t the outdoor type, didn’t own a pair, she just up and sent him some nifty swimming shorts.  Yep, she got the picture and U-I invented a new word for male pulchritude in the abbreviated costume.  The word – “beefcake.”

Screenland, Volume 54, Number 3, January, 1950, page 52.

The earliest example I could find in print appeared just a few months earlier.


Sioux City Journal, October 10, 1949, page 5.

Photoplay, Volume 49, Number 6, June 1956, page 60.
 


Bon Voyage!!!


[ii]The Pittsburgh Press, March 24, 1939, page 36.

Angels and Tigers and Ducks - a Baseball Biography of George A. Van Derbeck

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Detroit Free Press, January 28, 1894, page 6.
 
George Arthur Van Derbeck is best remembered today as the first owner (1894) of the team that would become the Detroit Tigers, and for building the first baseball stadium (1896) on the site where Tiger Stadium would eventually be built.  But his influence on American sports and pop-culture runs deeper. 

He helped launch three professional baseball leagues, advanced professionalism in baseball in the Pacific Northwest and Southern California, and organized three new baseball teams, each of which introduced new, now-familiar team names into American sports jargon, the Oregon Ducks (1890), the Los Angeles Angels (1892) and the Detroit Tigers (1895).

In 1890, Van Derbeck and a partner established a four-team Pacific Northwest league, with Van Derbeck taking ownership and managing the business affairs of the Portland “Web Footers.”  Four years later, the University of Oregon’s first football team would similarly be referred to as the “Web Footers,” a synonym and forerunner of the name all of its teams use today, the “Ducks.” 

In 1892, Van Derbeck left wet, rainy Portland for dry, sunny Southern California, where he acquired the new California League franchise; the “first league team that ever represented” Los Angeles,[i]and first to officially adopt the name “Angels”. 

Following the collapse of the California League in 1893, Van Derbeck brought “the cream of the California League” with him to Detroit in 1894, to play for his Detroit “Creams”, a founding member of the newly organized Western League.  One year later his team became the “Tigers.”

Van Derbeck was still with the team in 1899 when the Western League changed its name to the American League with an eye toward becoming a major league on equal footing with the “senior circuit,” the National League.  The experiment worked.  The two leagues joined forces and would play the first modern Worlds Series in 1903. 

But by that time, Van Derbeck was long gone, having been ousted by the league, with the aid of a bitter ex-wife, just before the start of its first season as the “American League” in 1900.  George Van Derbeck died in obscurity in Los Angeles in 1938, remembered in a brief notice only as the “loving brother of Mrs. Elizabeth A. Wendell,” no word about his life as a baseball magnate.  The baseball world had apparently forgotten about him.  And perhaps he had forgotten about baseball; it didn’t treat him well in the end, and he never achieved the level of success he had achieved in baseball later in life.  But it wasn’t always like that.


Early Years

George Van Derbeck was born to Andrew A. and Hannah P. Vanderbeck in Rochester, New York, in about 1864.  He grew up on a 100 acre family farm stretching, roughly, from Lake Avenue on the east to the railroad tracks in the west, bounded by Augustine Street and the Aquinas Institute to the north and Eldorado Place and Bryan Street to the south. 




It’s not certain what sorts of crops they raised, but given its location in upstate New York and that fact that George Van Derbeck spent much of his career as a fruit broker and investor in fruit-farming real estate (when he wasn’t organizing professional baseball teams), it seems likely that his family’s farm may have had at least some fruit orchards of some kind. 

The Vanderbecks may have been farmers, but they were also real estate developers.  Recognizing the increasing value their land as Rochester crept northward, they imagined developing and dividing their property into residential lots as early as 1873.  But in order to increase the value of their land for residential purposes, they needed more and better roads to and through the area. 

George’s father, Andrew A. Vanderbeck, with a few other local land owners, promoted the idea of building a new “boulevard” from the Driving Park (race track) to Charlotte, on the shores of Lake Erie.  The Driving Park was situated north of what is now Driving Park Avenue (then known as McCracken) and west of Dewey Avenue, which is the “boulevard” that was developed as a result of their efforts. 

Mr. Vanderbeck said if this road is laid, only a few years will elapse before fine houses will be built along the route as near together as convenient and pleasant.  This was a purely selfish enterprise.  He confessed that he was willing to sacrifice a piece of land, if by this improvement the balance of his property was increased in value four-fold.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), February 12, 1873, page 4.

But it wasn’t as quick or easy as they’d hoped.

In July 1876, the city agreed to build the road, taking a swath of land 100 feet wide from Driving Park Avenue to half-way between Augustine and Alameda Streets.  The city compensated the landowners for the land and assessed them the costs of improvements.  The Vanderbecks collected even more for their land than the other owners because the road took a 100 foot wide swath right through the center of their farm, dividing it in two, making the farm less valuable, whereas the landowners to the south lost only a 50-foot wide strip along the edges of their properties.  But nevertheless, the costs of improvements were more than what they were paid, so they would up with a bill of more than $400.  It all might have been worth it – that is, if they had actually built the road as promised.

Andrew Vanderbeck never saw his dream realized.  He died an untimely death two years later, in 1878, when a runaway team of horses collided with the buggy he was riding in.  At some point after his death, and before his estate cleared probate (this was an issue in the case), Mrs. Vanderbeck received a notice of the $400 outstanding assessment for improvements on the road, which she promptly paid out of her own pocket.

But eight years later, the road had still not been built.  Without having received the benefits of the proposed “boulevard,” despite having paid for the improvements, Mrs. Vanderbeck wanted her $400 dollars and change back.  Her lawsuit against the city for return of her assessment came to naught, turning in part on the fact that she paid the assessment voluntarily from her own money, instead of having been paid as an obligation from her husband’s estate as established through probate. 

But despite losing on a technicality, her efforts may have borne fruit – during the course of the litigation, the city renewed its efforts to develop the road and within a few years, she would sell off the entire farm at a huge profit to a developer who subdivided the property and developed all of the streets and a new electric railway.  She could have sold the farm for $50,000 in 1888, but by holding out until 1890, she was able to realize $80,000 on the transaction. 

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York, August 21, 1890, page 7.

All of which may seem more like George Van Derbeck’s parents’ story than his, but his seeing his parents deal with fruit, lawsuits, improper tax assessments, and selling off farmland seems to have prepared him for the various, similar pursuits he would follow throughout his career. 


On His Own

George  Van Derbeck left home at about the age of twenty.  He moved to Toledo, Ohio and took a position as an accountant in the “fruit commission” (brokerage) business of A. A. Geroe & Son of Toledo, Ohio, selling fruit instead of growing it.  He stayed in Toledo for five years.  He appears to have liked the job, or at least liked the boss’ daughter, Etta, whom he married. 

But maybe he didn’t like her that much.  They divorced within three years, after which he headed west.  But at least his boss liked him, despite the brief marriage to his daughter.  Years later, after being forced out of baseball, Van Derbeck returned to Toledo to become a partner with his ex-father-in-law in the same company.

Van Derbeck arrived in Portland in the fall of 1888, where “real estate and speculation consumed his time, and success met him at every turn of the road.”[ii]  In July of 1889, he moved to Albany, Oregon to manage the local office of the Portland real estate firm, Hughes, Brown & Co.[iii]  Sometime between July and September of the same year he became a partner in new venture called the West Shore Land and Investment Co., and shortly thereafter owned the entire business.[iv] 

Although far from home, his real estate transactions may have made him feel right at home.  All of the real estate transactions in his name, and for which I’ve seen evidence in newspaper archives, relate to fruit farms.  At about the same time his mother was selling off their family farm in Rochester, New York, George Van Derbeck was selling off his interests in the “Woodburn Fruit Farms,” piece-by-piece.  Today, “Woodburn Fruit Farms” is still the name of a neighborhood in the town of Gervais, near Salem, Oregon[v] 

George Van Derbeck did not let business take up all of his time.  He was apparently an avid and respected duck hunter.  His name pops up in a story about “Mallard Shooting at Shoalwater” (dateline Portland, Oregon), in a New York-based outdoor magazine in 1891.  He may have been “one of the talented Oregon duck hunters” the writer interviewed for the article, but he didn’t like bad weather.

I suggested to Van Derbeck that we strike out for the Greene Lake.  But Van is disposed to procrastinate when the weather is bad.  So I jumped into my boots and made for the boat alone.

Forest and Stream, Volume 36, Number 18, May 21, 1891, page 348.

Van Derbeck had another interest related to his duck hunting pursuits, which illustrates his competitive nature.  He entered his hunting dog, an English Setter named Kash, in the Los Angeles dog show in 1892, winning best in breed.  A few weeks later, his new baseball franchise, the Los Angeles Angels, embarked on its first season in the California League. 

But the Angels were not his first team; George Van Derbeck organized his first professional baseball league and his first team in Portland in 1890.

Portland Web-Footers


Base Ball League.

Spokane Falls, March, 10. – The North Pacific Baseball league is to be organized including the cities of Portland, Tacoma, Spokane Falls, Helena and Butte. . . .  The projectors of the movement are Vanderbeck & Morgan, of Portland.

Daily Democrat (Albany, Oregon), March 11, 1890, page 1.

Not content with just a regional league, Van Derbeck and other owners had loftier ambitions.  At the end of their first season of play, they tried merging the North Pacific, or Northwestern League with the California League.

Negotiations are looking toward the consolidation of the California Baseball league and the Northwestern league are said to be nearing completion.  It is stated that the only question has been the entrance fee.  Managers of the Northwestern league insist upon the admission tariff of fifty cents.  The alliance, if completed, will include San Francisco, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, San Jose, Los Angeles, Fresno, San Diego, Portland, Tacoma, Seatttle, and Spokane Falls, making the league of twelve clubs.

Weekly Oregon Statesman (Salem, Oregon), October 24, 1890, page 9.

It wasn’t as easy as they hoped.  And there were much bigger hurdles than the “entrance fee” question.  Two years later, when Van Derbeck moved to Los Angeles to start a team there, they renewed their efforts to merge the leagues; this time the railroad rates were the sticking point.[vi]  There would not be a consolidated professional baseball league with teams up and down the Pacific Coast until 1903.

Van Derbeck’s new team was called the “Webfooters.”

After last Friday’s game a number of Manager Harris’ friends who had a pecuniary interest in seeing the Portlands win telegraphed to Portland that Umpire Young had robbed the Webfooters of the game, and the Oregonian thereupon called the umpire a thief.

Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 6, 1890, page 2.

Although Van Derbeck deserves credit for bringing the first real professional team to Portland, he does not necessarily deserve credit for coining the name.  The name was a natural fit.  Portland was the only team from Oregon in the league and people from Oregon had been known as “Webfooters,”[vii]and Oregon the “Webfoot State,”[viii]since the 1860s; a humorous reference to the anatomical adaptations necessary to thrive in the wet climate that prevails throughout much of the state. 

Oregonians are, however, better known by the name of “Webfeet.”  This name originated in this way: It rains in Oregon about seven months in the year, and I am informed by several “reliable gentlemen,” that through constant wading in the water during that period, “webs” finally grow between the toes of the unfortunate inhabitants, who may be forever after known by a habit they have of dismounting (the Oregonian never walks, if the distance exceeds one hundred yards) from their horses, and wading in every swamp along their route to moisten the webs between their toes to keep them from drying up and becoming painful.

Granville Stuart, Montana As it Is, New York, C. S. Wescott & Co., 1865, page 59.

Although some early examples of the nickname seem to restrict the name to people in the wettest part of the state, the Willamette Valley[ix], the name came to be generally applied equally to anyone who lived anywhere in Oregon.

Bismarck Tribune, October 19, 1883, page 1.


Although native Oregonians were “Webfooters,” the name “Webfooters” was not native to Oregon.  It had been used with respect to people who lived or worked in wet conditions since at least the Revolutionary War, when it was applied to a group of war heroes from coastal Massachusetts.[x]  Sailors in the United States Navy were also “Web feet” during the Mexican-American War, long before Walt Disney put Donald Duck in a sailor’s suit in the 1930s.

The monotony of this place [(Brazos Santiago, Texas)] has been relieved the last two days by the drilling of ‘Uncle Sam’s’ ‘web feet,’ or ‘barnacle-backs,’ that came here from the squadron.

The Sunbury Gazette (Sunbury, Pennsylvania), May 30, 1846, page 2. 

Portland was not even the first city to have a baseball team called the “Webfooters.”  That honor may go to the town team in the very wet city of Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, where residents had been called “Webfooters” from as early as the mid-1870s.

The Fond du Lac “Whitings” came up on an excursion yesterday and met the home team [(Neenah)] at the Driving Park grounds. . . .  Bennett occupied the box for the Webfooters and Williams for the Neenahs.

The Neenah Daily Times, July 27, 1887, page 4.

Fond du Lac is no longer the home of the “Webfooters,” but Oregon is still home to the “Webfooters,” at least in modified form, as the mascot of the University of Oregon – the “Ducks,” an obvious alteration of webfooter which had previously been used used with reference to Portland’s professional baseball teams on occasion.[xi]

Butte Daily Post (Montana), June 12, 1902, page 8.


The Portland Webfooters baseball team were not the only “Webfooters” in town.  Soon after Van Derbeck established the team in 1891, other sports teams in Oregon would also be referred to as “Webfooters.” In some circumstances, however, it was in circumstances suggesting the name merely referred to people from Oregon, generally, and not a team “name” as such.  When the Stanford football team travelled to Oregon to play a local team of ex-Eastern collegiate football players locally known as the “Multnomahs,” for example, a San Francisco newspaper referred to the team as “Webfooters.”

San Francisco Call, December 24, 1893, page 20.

It took several years for the name “Webfooters” to gain a foothold at the University of Oregon, and another few decades before the “Ducks” was officially sanctioned.[xii]  When the University of Oregon played its first game of intercollegiate football on March 24, 1894, a 44-2 win over Albany College, newspapers in both schools’ hometowns referred to the teams simply as the “U. O.’s” and the “Albanys” – no nicknames.[xiii]   And in any case, “Webfooter” would not have distinguished one school from the other, as they were both from Oregon.

Later that year, in a preview of an upcoming game between the University of Oregon and Pacific University, a local paper dismissed concerns about wet field conditions because, “Webfoot boys would rather play on a muddy field than on one that is dry and solid.”[xiv]  The comment was equally applicable to players from both teams as both teams were from Oregon, and there is no indication that the writer intended for it to apply to one school over the other. 

The University of Oregon would not be commonly known as the “Webfooters” until they started playing teams from outside the state in 1899.

Record-Union(Sacramento, California), November 19, 1899, page 1.

San Francisco Chronicle, November 11, 1900, page 10.

 
Oregon’s Strange Course

The University of Oregon has so far refused all overtures to play. . . . It looks like a case of cold feet on the part of the Webfooters.

Seattle Star, December 3, 1901, page 8.

The name caught on, and people seemed to like it, but its days were numbered – at least in the short term. 

Although widely known as the “Webfoot State,” Oregon had also been known, alternately, as the “Beaver State” from as early as 1870, in reference to the fact that “300,000 beaver pelts were shipped out of Oregon, by the Hudson Bay Company” during the 1830s.[xv] 

The state’s nickname name was nearly co-opted in 1872, however, when a widely circulated news item suggested it would be a perfect nickname for the new state of . . . Idaho???

Public Ledger(Memphis, Tennessee), July 25, 1872, page 4.

Luckily, for Oregon State Beaver fans, Idaho was not granted statehood until about twenty years later, so the nickname remained with Oregon, although it took a backseat to the “Webfoot State.”  By one measure,[xvi]“Webfoot State” was nearly fifty-times more popular in Oregon than “Beaver State.”  But despite the overwhelming acceptance of the name, the Oregon Development League and Oregon Press Association issued an edict in 1906, dropping “Webfoot” in favor of “Beaver” in an effort improve the state’s image and encourage outside investment.[xvii]



The action in joint convention was taken on motion of Tom Richardson, secretary of the Development league, who said that serious harm had been done by the indiscriminate use of the terms “Webfoot” and “Webfooter;” that thousands of dollars had been diverted from investment in Oregon by the application of a nickname intended to convey the idea that Oregon’s climate was perpetually damp and disagreeable, whereas, in fact, the annual rainfall of the state was less than that of many other states of the Union.

The Atchison Daily Globe, march 8, 1906, page 6.

The decision was not without controversy.

Albany Democrat(Albany, Oregon), January 19, 1906, page 2.

 
Albany Democrat(Albany, Oregon), December 14, 1906, page 4.

But despite its long-standing tradition and apparent popularity, local teams and writers played along.  When the 1906 baseball season rolled around a few months later, Portland’s old “Webfooters” were suddenly “Beavers,” at least in the local papers (out of state papers didn’t get the memo).  Even the Oregon Agricultural College (now Oregon State University) whose teams had traditionally gone by the inoffensive name, “Aggies,” changed their name to “Beavers” by the end of 1908. 

And with “Webfooters” on the outs, the University of Oregon abandoned the traditional (if unofficial) name “Webfooters” for another traditional, if less popular name, the “Lemon-Yellows,” a color associated with the team since its first game in 1894. 

“Webfooters” made a comeback in 1922 when the University of Oregon prepared for its trip to Hawaii.

Honolulu Star-Bulletin, November 17, 1921, page 5.

In what might be a shock (or insult) to modern fans, one newspaper even referred to the University of Oregon as “Webfooters” and “Beavers” in the same headline.

 
Honolulu Star-Bulletin, January 3, 1922, page 7.

 Students seemed to like the name, voting it to the top of a list of nicknames in a poll conducted by a school newspaper later that year.

TWO NAMES LEAD

University of Oregon, Eugene, Nov. 4. – “Webfooters” and “Pioneers” are the favorite names thus far in the campaign which the Oregon Daily Emerald is staging to find a name for the Oregon’s football team.

Oregon Daily Journal, November 5, 1922, section 7, page 2.

Some newspapers followed suit.

If the Journal sport correspondent wants the Oregon team called Webfooters, let’s call them that.  It’s a lot better than many of the other suggested inanities.

Eugene Guard, November 15, 1922, page 6.

But despite its popularity, the powers-that-be continued to question its propriety.



The consensus of opinion on the campus is that the team, “Webfooters,” as Oregon teams are wont to be known, means nothing.  It is strongly suggestive of “Ducks,” and once a team is called that, the school is in for a peck of ridicule.

It is also contended that neither “Webfooters” nor “Ducks” are characteristic of the fighting spirit for which Oregon teams are known. . . .

Lemon-Yellow, as the team is often called, also has its dangers.  If the linotype operator or some careless correspondent should forget either the lemon or yellow, it would take all of the sports editor’s time for the news two months to explain.

The Eugene Guard (Eugene, Oregon), April 24, 1926, page 14.

It took decades, but the University administration eventually embraced the lame name “Ducks,” even making a deal with Walt Disney in 1947 to use the image of Donald Duck.[xviii]

But despite later concerns about the strength of the name “Webfooters,” George Van Derbeck’s Portland Webfooters baseball team showed a lot of fighting spirit, winning the Northwest Pacific League pennant in 1891, earning a spot in an inter-league Pacific Coast championship series against San Jose, champions of the California League. 

San Jose won the series, played on a neutral field on a neutral field on Haight Street in San Francisco, ten games to 9, with the nineteenth and decisive game awarded to San Jose by forfeit.  With the game tied 3-3 in the bottom of the eighth, a series of missed calls, bad calls and bad judgment on the part of the umpire prompted Portland’s manager, Bob Glenalvin, to pull his team from the field, giving the game and the series to San Jose.  It was his last game Portland; his next game would be as player-manager of the newly minted Los Angeles Angels. 

George Van Derbeck had already jumped ship.  And it was none too soon.  The Northwestern League would not survive the next season and would therefore be unable to send a team to contest the Pacific Coast championship.  As a result, Glenalvin and Van Derbeck’s new team, the Los Angeles Angels (not of Anaheim), could claim the title when it defeated San Jose for the California League pennant in 1892.


The Los Angeles Angels
 
George Van Derbeck appears to have sold his interest in the Portland Webfooters sometime between the end of the 1891 regular season and before the start of the post-season Coast Championship Series that same year.  News of his being awarded the new Los Angeles franchise in the California League broke before that series was even over.  He must have had a good working relationship with Portland manager, Bob Glenalvin, since he invited him down to Los Angeles with him to build the new franchise. 

Bob Glenalvin, Saint Paul Globe (Saint Paul, Minnesota), August 13, 1897, page 5.

Bob Glenalvin’s open letter to Los Angeles baseball fans, written while on a recruiting trip back East, is one of the first examples of the name “Angels,” in print.

Los Angeles Herald, February 18, 1892, page 5. 

 As was the case with the Portland “Webfooters,” however, the name was a natural fit for the team and did not require any great amount of creativity.  The original, formal title for Los Angeles was, “El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Ángeles”– in English, “the Town of Our Lady the Queen of the Angels,” and the city had long been simply as Los Angeles, and sometimes in English as the “City of Angels.”

Organized baseball came to California in 1878, with the formation of the Pacific Base Ball League in San Francisco in January 1878.  Not to be outdone, Los Angeles County formed its own baseball league in March. 

California baseball would remain divided along regional lines for more than a decade, with various “California Leagues” forming and reforming in Northern California, with teams generally in cities like San Francisco, Oakland, Sacramento, San Jose, and Stockton. The California League joined the “National Agreement” in 1889, placing it under the same governing structure that ruled over major league baseball and introducing an added level of professionalism to the league.

The Los Angeles County Base Ball League would be supplanted by various Southern California leagues, with teams at various times in Los Angeles, Santa Monica, San Diego, Pomona mixed in with club teams like the Mutuals and the Peck & Ruggles.  The Southern California leagues remained strictly a regional affair, not governed by or subject to the “National Agreement.”  One drawback to being an independent league was that any players who played in your league were subject to being blacklisted in the “National Agreement” leagues, so it was difficult to attract and retain good, professional players in the prime of their careers.

Teams from the north would travel south, or vice versa, for an exhibition series or two, but the leagues remained separate entities.

When George Van Derbeck’s Los Angeles Angels joined the California League in 1892, they came under the umbrella of the “National Agreement” for the first time, and introduced a new level of professional play to the city.  Despite the fact that the city had fielded teams in Southern California teams for years, a local newspaper considered the “Angels” to be the “first league team that ever represented this city.”[xix]

It was also the first local team to officially adopt the name “Angels.”  But it was not the first local team to have been referred to by that name in print, at least on occasion.  But not every team from Los Angeles was called the “Angels.”  In 1887, for example, a team from Los Angeles preparing for a trip through Texas and Louisiana adopted the name, “The Orange Boys.”[xx]

Later that year, a team from Los Angeles signed a number of future major leaguers and past-their-prime major leaguers for a winter league, when the Eastern leagues were out of commission due cold weather.  Perhaps the biggest name on their team was Joe Quest, who is widely credited with coining the expression, “Charlie Horse,” for a leg cramp.  Quest had played in the major leagues for fifteen years, from 1871 through 1886, finishing his career with the Philadelphia Athletics of the American Association. 

The Philadelphia Phillies toured California during the off-season between the 1887 and 1888 season, stopping in Los Angeles for a series of exhibition games.  In a report of the last game of that series, a local reporter referred to the home team as the “Angels,” the earliest example of a team from Los Angeles being referred to by that name that have been able to find in print.

One thousand persons attended the last game of the Los Angeles-Philadelphia series at the Sixth street grounds yesterday, and saw one of the best and most sharply contested games ever played in the city.

. . . The Angels won the tossand went to the bat.

. . . In the first inning Ebright came in from the third bag on Stockwell’s sacrifice hit and made the only tally for the Angels.

Los Angeles Herald, December 27, 1887, page 8.

But despite these early beginnings, big-time baseball did not thrive in Los Angeles, at least not yet.  Los Angeles tried for several years to place a team in the “California League,” which consisted only of teams from the Bay Area and the Central Valley, but the costs and inconvenience of travel back and forth between Southern California and Northern California kept them out of the league.  Teams from Los Angeles were restricted to playing in a Southern California League, and sometimes just a city league, and none of those teams (so far as I have been able to determine) were regularly, if ever, referred to as the “Angels.”  All that changed when George Van Derbeck came to town.

When George Van Derbeck first purchased the new Los Angeles team in late-1891 or early-1892, his first order of business was to try to join a consolidated Pacific Coast League with teams from the Northwestern League and the California League.  But with railroad rates to steep to make travel between the Pacific Northwest and California a paying proposition, he settled with joining the California League, the first Los Angeles team to gain membership in a league with the other major cities of Northern California. 

Although its owner and manager referred to the team publicly as the “Angels” before the season even began, and the team was primarily referred to in the press as the “Angels” during the season, they had an alternate nickname, the Giants; sometimes the two names appeared in the same story.

The Los Angeles Giants Easily Win from San Francisco

Los Angeles, March 26. J- At 3 o’clock this afternoon Mayor Harry Hazard pitched the first ball over the plate in the opening game of the first league baseball season in which this city has ever participated.

When the teams reached the grounds the open seats and grand stand were found packed with an excited, noisy crowd.  The visitors were the first to appear and were given a royal welcome, the multitude shouting themselves hoarse, only to begin over again and use up what little breath they had left when “The Angels” appeared.

San Francisco Examiner, March 27, 1892, page 5.

Sometimes the names appeared in the same headline; even when they didn’t play like “Giants.”

Los Angeles Herald, April 3, 1892, page 5.

But winning cures all ills.

Los Angeles Times, April 1, 1892, page 8.

Glenalvin’s Giants, or Angels, put up a great game – and a great season.  They won the pennant for the second half of the season, earning a spot in a season-ending championship series against San Jose, winners of the pennant for the first half of the season.  The Angels won the championship series, thereby earning (arguably) two championships at once; the California League Championship and the Pacific Coast Championship by default, the Northwest League having folded before the end of the season.


It will be remembered that at the close of last season the winning teams of the California and Pacific Northwest leagues played a series of games for the coast supremacy.  San Jose won that contest.  As the Northwest league went to pieces before the end of the season, San Jose retained the honor of first place.

The Angels, therefore, are now emphatically at the top round of the ladder.

Los Angeles Herald, December 17, 1892, page 2.

After building and leading two teams to two league championships in three seasons, it may have come as a shock to George Van Derbeck when he was forced out of the consolidated, north-south California League he helped establish a year earlier.  The reasons are unclear, but less than a month after winning the championship series from San Jose, he was reportedly “not so popular in Los Angeles as he used to be,” and the Los Angeles Athletic Club fought to replace him with someone named Lindley.[xxi]  They succeeded, but perhaps it was for the best. 

Wasn’t it Julie Andrews who said, “when God forces you out of one baseball league, opportunity knocks in another,” or something like that? 

After sitting out for a season, Van Derbeck hoped to field a non-league team for winter baseball exhibitions in California.

His project is to round up the Angels of 1892 and pit them against the nines of the present Central League, playing a few games at San Francisco, Stockton, Sacramento, San Jose and Los Angeles. . . .  [Glenalvin] intends to fix up an all-star collection of California boys who have won fame in the big league this season and exhibit them on the coast.

San Francisco Chronicle, October 7, 1893, page 11.

But a few weeks later, he abandoned those plans and offered his services to Ban Johnson’s new Western League, the forerunner of today’s American League.

G. A. Vanderbeck, of Los Angeles, was willing to take a franchise anywhere he could be placed . . . .  Detroit was considered an available point and had no representatives present.

The Inter-Ocean(Chicago, Illinois), October 26, 1893, page 8.

His bid was successful.

Count G. A. Vanderbeck, who managed the baseball team representing Los Angeles in the California league during the summer of 1892, will own the Detroit team in the Western league during the coming season. . . .

It is Mr. Vanderbeck’s intention to take a team of California players to represent Detroit in this league, and probably rightly thinks that the coast can produce talent that will make the other managers hustle to keep up with the procession.

Los Angeles Herald, November 20, 1893, page 5.

Van Derbeck packed his bags and took his second-baseman with him, high-tailing it for Detroit, leaving the remnants of his recently organized Los Angeles team stranded in Sacramento.


 Baseball is again knocked out in Los Angeles, and the baseballists have departed.  Manager Vanderbeck yesterday disbanded the team, and, with the exception of Glenalvin, who headed for Chicago, the boys left for Sacramento under the guidance of Umpire McDonald.  They will winter at the Capital City, and during their hibernation will cross bats with the Bostons, San Franciscos and Oaklands.  Traveling expenses will be reduced to a minimum, and in this way the boys, who are working on the co-operative plan, hope to pull out even until the professional season again begins in the East.  Umpire McDonald will take Glenalvin’s place at second, and will manage the team.

The Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1893, page 6.


Detroit Tigers

George Van Derbeck and Bob Glenalvin left Los Angeles for Detroit to start the team that would become the Detroit Tigers in a new league that would become the American League a few years later.  They brought with them, or so they bragged, the “cream” of the California League, inspiring a new nickname – the “Creams,” which first appeared in a report of the teams first game of spring-training, a loss to the New Orleans Pelicans.

Detroit Free Press, March 26, 1894, page 1.

 
Detroit had big dreams when professional baseball returned in 1894.  Before the season opener, the Detroit Free Press appears to have abandoned the “Creams” for something more substantial – the “Giants,” perhaps in hopes that the name would catch on in Detroit as it had in New York a decade earlier.

Detroit Free Press, April 22, 1894, page 6.
 

Detroit Free Press, April 22, 1894, page 6.

The name never really did catch on, although the press in Los Angeles, where the Angels had occasionally been the Giants two seasons earlier, briefly picked up on the name.

Vanderbeck’s Giants at Toledo.

Count Vanderbeck, who will be pleasantly remembered as the only successful baseball manager that Los Angeles ever had, has recently “caught on” in great shape in Detroit, as the manager of the [Western] league team of that city.  [T]he team . . . has been dubbed “Vanderbeck’s Giants” . . . .

Los Angeles Times, May 7, 1894, page 5.

The name “Wolverines,” a well known, long-time nickname for Michiganders, generally, and one which had been used by an earlier professional team from Detroit, didn’t catch on either.  But it wasn’t without trying.  The Detroit Free Press did, in fact, refer to their new team as the “Wolverines” occasionally throughout the 1894 season, beginning in spring training.

Anson’s Colts Beat the Detroits.

Chicago’s white stockings broke a record to-day by winning their fifth consecutive exhibition game, defeating the Detroits, of the western league.  The Wolverines have been playing steadily in the south for a month or so, and are at this time as hard to beat as a [National] league team. 

Detroit Free Press, April 15, 1894, page 6.

Other papers also referred to Detroit as the “Wolverines” during the 1894 season, but it was never adopted as an official name.  Even in Detroit, the name “Wolverines” was not exclusive to its baseball team.  The University of Michigan’s teams were already well known as the “Wolverines,” and the Detroit Free Press even referred to the Western League team from Grand Rapids as “the Wolverines” in a report of one of their games in Toledo, Ohio, to distinguish the team from Michigan from the team from Ohio.  So it is not clear that anyone, not even the hometown papers, considered “Wolverines” to be the name of the Western League baseball team in 1894.


The Detroit Free Press, for the most part, referred to the team as the “Detroits” that season, in keeping with the standard professional baseball team naming convention of the day.  Teams were regularly referred to as the plural of the name of the city they represented.  If a city had teams in two different leagues, they might be the “Nationals” or “Americans” of that city to remove any ambiguity.  Many teams had informal nicknames, but those came and went for the most part.  Philadelphia’s Phillies and Athletics are two of the longest-lasting team nicknames, as are the Cincinnati Reds and Boston Red Sox.  But few people remember the Brooklyn Bridegrooms, Philadelphia Quakers or the Boston Beaneaters.

Newspapers in other cities, for the most part, used a different name for Detroit throughout the 1895 season; a name inspired by preseason hype by the owner of the new Detroit team, but used derisively and ironically when his boasts never quite panned out – the “Creams.” 

There is common widespread belief that Detroit was called the “Creams” in 1894 because Van Derbeck said the team would be the “cream of the league,” meaning the Western League.[xxii]  But the evidentiary record suggests otherwise.

When George Van Derbeck bought his way into the newly formed Western League, he promised to fill his roster with the “cream of the California league”.

The men are mostly Californians and came here lauded to the skies as the cream of the league in that state.

Detroit Free Press, May 13, 1894.

Van Derbeck’s braggadocio may have rubbed some people the wrong way.  It was apparently an issue on opening day in Toledo.  Luckily for the Detroits, they won the game and remained “Giants” – at least for one more game.

Not that it was not merited, but the home players had publicly announced their intention of giving Detroit a lesson and teaching President Van Derbeck that California does not produce men as good as her horses.  The scheme failed to materialize, although Toledo was on the verge of victory once; but Detroit left the field with only twenty-five men out and enough runs to break the tie, which, to say the least, was painful for two innings.

Detroit Free Press, April 26, 1894, page 1.

The following day, however, Toledo’s Swamp Angels had their revenge.  It was the last time the Detroit Free Presscalled them “Giants.”

SLAUGHTER AT TOLEDO
DETROIT WAS GIVEN AN AWFUL DRUBBING YESTERDAY.
THE SWAMP ANGELS WANTED REVENGE, AND THEY HAD IT.

Toldedo, April 26. – (Special.) – By a score of 20 to 2 Toledo is avenged, and siren-like the swamp angels are putting in the night singing a lay of victory. . . . [T]he sting of the opening defeat was nicely healed by the awful drubbing . . . Van Derbeck’s giants[got] this afternoon.

Detroit Free Press, April 27, 1894, page 2.

As the losses piled up, Van Derbeck’s “Cream” team turned sour, and sportswriters from other league cities mocked them.

So rotten has been the baseball put up by Detroit of late that not over five hundred paid to see the opening game this afternoon between the Hoosiers and Vanderbock’s “Milk Shakes,” formerly the “Creams.”  It was just as well, for Detroit lost.

Indianapolis Journal, May 10, 1894, page 2.

[T]he Western League is solid as the rocks of Gibraltar and . . . the only chance of any team weakening is Detroit, where the patronage is the worst of the league. . . .  Naturally the people have soured on second-rate ball and have not turned out in thousands to see visiting teams mop up the skin diamond with the cream of the California league.  With a winning team, one that ranked even fourth, Detroit would be the banner week day city of the league and would draw enough away from home Sundays to yield as much profit as any team in the league.

From The Sporting Life, reprinted in the Detroit Free Press, June 24, 1894, page 6.

Throughout the rest of the season, newspapers outside of Detroit generally referred to them as the “Creams.”

Indianapolis Journal, August 22, 1894, page 3.

But in Detroit, it was a different story.  I could find only one reference to the team as the “Creams” in the Detroit Free Press that season (not including their spring training loss to the Pelicans); but even then, the “Special” designation in the byline suggests that it may have been written in Kansas City, perhaps by a Kansas City writer, and not by a Detroit sportswriter.

Kansas City, Mo., August 1. (Special.) – The closing game of the Kansas City-Detroit series resulted in a rather easy victory for the home team, the Wolverines not making the desperate fight which characterized the two previous games. . . .  The Creams got nine hits off his delivery, but they were widely scattered and non-productive of runs.

Detroit Free Press, August 2, 1894, page 2.

The Detroits needed a new identity after the so-called “Creams” finished the 1894 season a disastrous seventh place in an eight-team league, far below the level of success local baseball enthusiasts had grown accustomed to.  The Detroit Wolverines of the mid-1880s finished in second place in the National League in 1886, won the pennant in 1887, and beat the St. Louis Browns of the American Association in the 1887 World’s Series, 10 games to 5.  The Wolverines moved to the International League in 1889, winning the pennant two years in a row.  But despite Detroit’s success on the field, they were a loser in the baseball league realignments following the chaos of the Players’ League baseball war of 1890; they did not have a team in any professional league for three full seasons from 1891 through 1893.

George Van Derbeck purged his roster following the 1895 season, and replaced his longtime field general Bob Glenalvin with J. C. “Con” Strouthers (sometimes spelled Strothers).  Van Derbeck was likely familiar with Strouthers from his time in the Northwest League, where Strouthers had been a player (1st base for Tacoma) and an umpire.

The Eagle (Bryan, Texas), September 12, 1897, page 3.

In April of 1895, without fanfare or explanation, the Detroit Free Pressreferred to the team as the “Tigers,” or rather, “Strouthers’ Tigers,” with reference to their new manager.

Detroit Free Press, April 16, 1895, page 2.

Several of the first few examples of the name “Tigers” in print similarly refer to the team as “Strouthers’ Tigers,”[xxiii]not the “Detroit Tigers,” suggesting, perhaps, that it was the name was more closely associated with the new manager and not the team. 

The deacon’s gang may come out of the bushes in May and lambaste the daylights out of Strouthers’ tigers.

Detroit Free Press, April 18, page 2

Strouthers’ Tigers downed the Gold Bugs again to-day, and did it in the handiest manner. . . .

Detroit Free Press, April 23, 1895, page 2 (“

Detroit Free Press, April 28, 1895, page 7.

It would not have been the first time a Strouthers-managed team would be referred to as “tigers.”  One year earlier, while managing the Western Association’s team in Jacksonville, Illinois, his team reportedly “worked like tigers.”

Leaving the errors aside, however, Jacksonville deserved to win.  Strothers’ men played nice ball in the field, their batting was timely and they worked like tigers for the victory.

The St. Joseph Herald (St. Joseph, Missouri), May 16, 1894, page 3. 

Perhaps Strouthers just liked how that sounded and started referring to his players as such.  Or was it just a one-off?  It is the only example I could find of “tiger” being used in reference to his 1894 team, a team more commonly known as the Jacksonville “Jacks.”  And in any case, “fight like tigers,” or the like, was a common cliché in sports reporting at the time, so the single reference may be completely unrelated to the later use of name in Detroit.

If Strouthers did introduce the name, it would not have been the first time a team took its name, in some form, from a manager.  The team that would later become the Chicago Cubs was long known as “Anson’s Colts,” for their manager “Cap” Anson.  The Cleveland Spiders, and later the St. Louis Cardinals, were frequently referred to as “Tebeau’s Indians” or “Tebeau’s Terrors,” after their volatile manager, Oliver “Patsy” Tebeau.  And the Cleveland Indians were known as the Cleveland “Naps,” after their manager, Napoleon Lajoie, for many years, until his move to Philadelphia after the 1914 season prompted a name change. 

And Detroit was not the first team to be named the “Tigers.” in the 1890s.  The University of Missouri had been known as the “Tigers” since at least as early as 1893.  Coincidentally (perhaps), Strouthers was from Kansas City, Missouri.  Did Strouthers bring the name with him to Detroit because he was a fan of University of Missouri football?  Did Strouthers use the name to inspire his team to play like “tigers”? 

Strouthers may or may not have had a hand in coining the name “Tigers,” but regardless of who coined it, the name stayed.  Strouthers, on the other hand, didn’t; he was gone by September.  He stayed in baseball, however, and years later earned a second footnote in Detroit Tigers history.

In 1904, as manager of the Augusta (Georgia) Tourists of the South Atlantic league, J. C. “Con” Strouthers signed the legendary Ty Cobb (who would go on to have a Hall of Fame career with Detroit) to his first professional baseball contract.  Two days later, Strouthers became the first (and perhaps the last) manager to cut Ty Cobb, after just two games. 

Cobb was just 17 years old when Strouthers signed him to the team during spring training.  His regular center-fielder was suspended on opening day due to some contract violation, so he put Cobb in the game in his place.  As Cobb recalled in 1913, he hit a double with an RBI in his second at-bat, and a grand-slam in the eighth-inning to win the game.  He started the second game too, with the center-fielder still on suspension, sacrificing twice and hitting another double.  But when the center-fielder was cleared to play in the third game, Strouthers gave Cobb his release. 

As a free-agent, Cobb was able to sign on with another team, but he harbored lingering bitterness against Strouthers’ for cutting him so quickly, despite his early success.  When Strouthers invited Cobb back to the team later that season, Cobb refused.  He did rejoin the team later, but only after Strouthers had left the team in mid-July, when forced to sell the team on the heels of accusations of fixing games.

Even if Strouthers did coin the name, it would have found particularly fertile ground in Detroit, where a beloved local militia unit had been known as the Detroit Light Guard “Tigers” for more than a decade.[xxiv]  If Strouthers did not coin the name, it’s possible, and generally assumed, that the name was selected in the first instance to honor the Detroit Light Guard “Tigers.”  But the conventional origin story has its own problems. 

The standard origin story holds that the name, “Tigers,” was borrowed from the Detroit Light Guard Tigers.  But the apparent source of the legend does not unambiguously make that claim.  It merely states that they took their “insignia” from the Light Tigers, which could have happened after the name was already in use.  And if “insignia” is read to include the “name,” the story is still five years off.

The earliest version of the story I have been able to dig up is from the 1950s. 

In 1900 when Ban Johnson organized the American League the Detroit club owners applied to the regiment to use the Light Guard tiger as their insignia.

Decatur Daily Review (Decatur, Illinois), May 16, 1954, page 18.

The Detroit Light Guard’s tiger insignia did, in fact, look similar to a tiger image used to advertise the Detroit Tigers a few years later.


Left - Walter F. Clowes, The Detroit Light Guard, a Complete Record of This Organization from its Foundation to the Present Day, Detroit, Michigan, John F. Eby & Company, 1900; center and right – detail and full image of a Detroit Tigers’ advertising postcard showing a pennant with the year 1907 on it.


If restricted to the insignia, the story has no particular bearing on the origin of the name.  If it were extended to include the name as well, the author of the piece missed the date of first use of the name by five years, putting the rest of the story into question. 

In any case, I have not seen any contemporary accounts that make a direct connection, even in passing, between the two organizations, despite the fact that they were both regularly, but separately reported on in the local press. 

The earliest example I could find of a direct connection between the two organizations is an advertisement for a “play by play” electric scoreboard reports of an away game of the 1907 World Series between the Tigers and Cubs, presented at the Light Guard Armory.
 

It goes without saying that large crowds will be present at the Light Guard armory to listen to the reports of the Chicago series.  A descriptive scoreboard will be used, and all plays will be placed constantly before the spectators on a large specially constructed score board.

Detroit Free Press, October 8, 1907, page 8.

I remain open, but unconvinced.  It seems plausible, but the circumstantial evidence of an alternate explanation and total lack of contemporary support for the standard explanation create doubt in my mind. 

Another story making the rounds came from a more obviously suspect source – “Iffy the Dopester.”  Iffy the Dopester was a fictional sports columnist and alter-ego of Malcolm W. Bingay, editorial director of the Detroit Free Press.  Bingay wrote Iffy’s column with “tongue-in-cheek solemnity and outright tomfoolery”[xxv]during the 1930s and 1940s.  In 1935, “Iffy” claimed that an editor of the Detroit Free Press coined “Tigers” in response to the orange and black-striped stockings Van Derbeck selected for their uniforms.


Vanderbeck, with a flair for fancy dress, had his ballplayers wearing striped stockings of orange and black.  The late Phil J. Reid, managing editor of the Free Press, took one look at them and dubbed them “Tigers.”  That’s what they have been called ever since.

Detroit Free Press, August 29, 1935, page 15.

Several years later, a cartoon version of the same story was put in wide circulation.
 


What’s in the Name Tigers?  As was the case with many other baseball teams, the Detroit American League club got its nickname, “Tigers” from the stockings worn by team members.  Shortly after the turn of the century, Frank Vanderbeck, a Toledoan with a flair for fancy dress, owned the club and decided to outfit the athletes in stockings bearing orange and black stripes.

Arizona Republic, June 6, 1939, section 2, page 2.

Leaving aside for a moment Iffy’s iffy reputation, the story does not match descriptions of the uniforms worn by the team when the name was first used.  The name “Tigers” first appeared in mid-April 1895, in the middle of the exhibition season, when the team was still wearing its old uniforms.[xxvi]

The team will wear the old uniforms throughout the exhibition series, and on May 1, when the Toledos open the championship series here, will appear in new uniforms.

Detroit Free Press, April 7, 1895, page 6. 

And on opening day, the stockings were black – no orange stripes.

When the bell sounded three times the Detroits entered the field and were loudly cheered, while the band gave them a welcome.  The Tigerswere out in their new uniforms of dark blue, with black caps and stockings, and red belts and letters on their shirt fronts.

Detroit Free Press, May 2, 1895, page 2.

But that’s not to say the George Van Derbeck didn’t make other stylish uniform decisions.  In 1896, he introduced the “German” or “Old English” script D, which with few brief exceptions, has been worn in Detroit ever since.  In keeping with the new name (although not clearly with that purpose), he also added stripes – but to the caps, not the stockings.

Opening Day 1897, Detroit Free Press, May 4, 1897, page 1.

Instead of the word Detroit on the shirt front there will be a German letter “D” on one side.  The white caps will have two black bands around them.

Detroit Free Press, February 29, 1896, page 6.

But regardless of how or why the name “Tigers” was chosen, it caught on quickly and they were soon the “Tigers” or “Detroit Tigers,” without reference to either manager Strouthers or the Light Guard Tigers. 

Detroit Free Press, May 3, 1895, page 2.
Detroit Free Press, May 3, 1895, page 2.

With the team-name question settled, the Detroit Tigers improved steadily, finishing in 5th place in 1895 and a respectable 3rd in 1896, before reverting to form for a 5thplace and then 6th, in 1897 and 1898, and 3rd again in 1899.   A decade later, they would be winding up their third-straight pennant and third-straight Worlds Series appearance.  But by then, George Van Derbeck would be long gone, little more than a footnote in major league baseball history.  But for a few years at least, he enjoyed a modicum of success.

By all accounts, George Van Derbeck was a good owner.  The managers liked him because he stayed out of baseball matters once the season began.

He personally looks after his ball team each year, engaging and releasing players as the case may be, though he entrusts his captain with the sole charge of the men during the playing season.

Galesburg Enterprise (Galseburg, Kansas), May 7, 1897, page 4.

And it wasn’t just coincidence; he adopted his management style intentionally for reasons he described in his own words a few years later.

“My work for the season will be confined exclusively, both at home and abroad, in looking after the gates; that is the business end or minor one.  I believe on these lines rests the true sportsman spirit of the national game, and on these lines only will the game be a success in any city.”

Detroit Free Press, April 16, 1899, page 8.

Players and other owners appreciated the fact that he generally made a profit, fielded good teams and always met payroll.

Van Derbeck . . . has always met his obligations promptly, placed first-class teams in the field at the opening of each season, with the exception of 1898, and attended strictly to business.

Courier-Journal(Louisville, Kentucky), March 5, 1900, page 6.

Vanderbeck is popular with the majority of the American league magnates for the reason he has always met his obligations promptly in addition to having a good team in the field.

Chicago Tribune, February 25, 1900, page 18.

George Van Derbeck was open to new technology, hosting at least two exhibitions involving electricity.  On September 24, 1896, after the eighth inning of the second game of a planned, three-game post-season exhibition game with the Cincinnati Reds of the National League, they “called the game to allow the linemen to put up the electric lights for the night game,” in what would have been one of the first night games ever played by a major league team.[xxvii]  But whatever happened in that game, it was apparently not very memorable or notable, even at the time.  The following day’s paper did not mention the game, and the results of the game (if any) were not included in reports from the Detroit-Cincinnati series, which Detroit took three games to one, with all of those games having been played in the daytime.

In the days before television and radio, baseball fans generally had to wait for the morning paper to find out the results of an away game.  A more devoted fan might stand around in front of the telegraph office or a public bulletin board for regular “play-by-play” telegraphic updates throughout the game.  By the mid-1890s, several promoters had developed “electric baseball” devices to present the dry, telegraphic updates into a visual representation of the game, presented on stage to a paying audience. 

When introduced in New York City in 1895, electric baseball “was at once branded a success.”  In Detroit in 1899, it was a miserable failure. 


Under contract to George Van Derbeck, the Electric Illuminating and Advertising Company of Boston, Massachusetts set up and presented “electric baseball” to nine consecutive, nearly empty houses at the Empire Theater.  Van Derbeck had paid the operators $100 upfront and promised an additional $350 minimum payment to cover the costs of putting on the show, together with a share of the gate-receipts, if any.  When the show tanked, Van Derbeck refused to pay the outstanding $350, claiming to have lost nearly $300 himself on the venture. 

The operators sued Van Derbeck and a jury awarded them nearly $400 in damages and costs.  Van Derbeck appealed, asserting the contract was unenforceable because it was signed on a Sunday – and he won.  Well, it wasn’t that simple.  The appeals court invalidated the agreement to the extent that it relied on the written contract signed on a Sunday, but returned to the trial court for resolution of other issues based on negotiations and actions that did not take place on Sunday.  Two years later they were still negotiating a settlement – the terms of the settlement, if any, were not made public.

Like his parents before him, Van Derbeck was hounded by other legal hassles as well; some were his fault, some were just the cost of doing business. 

In 1895, George Van Derbeck built a new stadium at the corners of Michigan and Trumbull, the first stadium at the site where Tiger Stadium would later be built.  But when finished, he realized that the grounds were too small.  To remedy the situation, he applied to the Detroit common council for permission to extend the field twenty feet out into Helen Avenue, and they agreed.  But neighbors complained, and a judge ruled that the common council had exceeded its powers.  He fined Van Derbeck $11 and ordered him to move the fence.

Having a too-small field in the middle of town presented other risks as well.

Thus far this season President Van Derbeck of the Detroit Club has paid nearly $20 for windows broken by foul balls.

Buffalo Evening News, July 3, 1896, page 38.

The threat of broken windows and other dangers embroiled Van Derbeck in a second fenceline dispute.



William Gordon, who resides and manufactures cigars at 471 Michigan avenue, filed a bill in the Wayne Circuit Court yesterday against George A. Van Derbeck to perpetually enjoin him from leasing and using Bennett park for baseball purposes, and also from the alleged nuisance of permitting foul balls from flying into his yard. . . .

On one occasion one of the balls came within a few inches of his head, again a ball brushed a lady’s face as she was going into Gordon’s house, and twice in one day fould balls struck within four inches of a window where two employes were making cigars.

Mr. Gordon also says that the crowds of small boys and men that chase into his yard after the foul balls not only do great damage to the premises, but that on two occasions they have prostrated the complainant to the ground, bruising and injuring his legs and arms and back.

Detroit Free Press, August 26, 1896, page 5.

The court refused the injunction.

Detroit Free Press, September 20, 1896, page 11.



But that didn’t put a stop to matter.  Cigar maker Gordon raised the stakes several months later with a $25,000 lawsuit for false imprisonment. 

Wm. Gordon, who recently lost his suit against President Geo. A. Van Derbeck, of the Detroit Baseball club, by which he sought to restrain him from playing ball at Bennett park, because lost balls played havoc in his little flower garden, brought a suit by capias against Mr. Van Derbeck yesterday.  He claims damages for alleged false imprisonment and malicious prosecution.  He says that on August 22 last Van Derbeck had him arrested on a charge of stealing two balls which had fallen upon his premises, but that he had been honorably acquitted by Justice Sellers on September 17.

Detroit Free Press, March 20, 1897, page 5.

The outcome of the case might surprise anyone who has caught and kept a foul ball at a professional baseball game. 

WHO OWNS TRUANT BASE BALLS.

Adjoining the base ball park out in Detroit lives a man named William Gordon.  Frequently in the course of a game balls are driven outside of the enclosure and they land on ground owned by Gordon.  George Van der Beck, owner of the Detroit club – and incidentally owner of the balls that from the savagely swung bat played truant to the extent of going beyond the confines of V. d. B.’s possessions – was anxious to regain the lost spheroid.  Gordon was in the habit of taking the Spalding horsehides as his own property after they landed on the part of mother earth for which he held a deed, although V. d. B. demanded their return. . . .

[Gordon refused to return the balls, and twice refused to appear in court at a hearing on the issue.]

Gordon was then arrested, and at the station he asserted that that was just what he desired, for he would make Von der Beck sweat for it.  He thereupon instituted proceedings against the Detroit owner for false imprisonment, claiming $25,000 damages. . . .

Judge Donovan charged the jury that if base balls, horses or anything else trespass upon the premises of any person, the person so injured is provided with a competent remedy by the law.  But he has no more right to seize a base ball than he has a horse.  The court also stated that if Gordon had taken two of Van der Beck’s base balls and refused to give them up when requested to do so, it was not only the right, but the duty of Van der Beck to lay the matter before a magistrate, and if it was satisfactorily shown to the magistrate that Gordon had taken the balls it was his duty to issue a warrant for Gordon’s arrest.

The jury promptly rendered a verdict in favor of the Detroit owner and Gordon’s $25,000 damages were not in sight.  This effectually settles who owns base balls when they are rapped out of a base ball park.

Wilkes-Barre Record (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania), December 1, 1897, page 3.


When the team was making money, a local tax assessor smelled blood.  He tried to squeeze extra revenue out of Van Derbeck by taxing him on the value of his players’ contracts, which the assessor valued at $5000, on which he would have owed about $100 in taxes.


Detroit Free Press, March 23, 1899, page 3.

It’s not clear whether the taxes were ever collected, but the assessment was not without its critics.

Assessor Oakman said that “the civil war settled that sort of assessing; you can’t tax a man on slave contracts any more.”  The committee postponed action. – Detroit Journal.

Indianapolis Journal, May 5, 1899, page 6.

Van Derbeck’s contract-signing habits brought him other headaches as well.  He had several disputes with rival owners over the rights to sign players, which may be the source of the animosity that drove him from the league a few years later.  But he wasn’t always at fault.

In early-1895, for example, he was in a dispute with owner of the Minneapolis Millers over an outfielder named Freeman, whom Van Derbeck had signed after the owner neglected to put Freeman’s name on the “reserve list.”  Shortly after Minneapolis filed its appeal with the league, the league’s commissioner, Ban Johnson, received a telegram from a “George Vanderbeck” (last name one word), surrendering his claim on Freeman and apparently resolving the matter.

This all came as a shock to the real “George Van Derbeck,” who spelled his last name as two words, not one.  He returned to Los Angeles to investigate the source of the telegram and uncovered the misspelling on the original order, thereby establishing his right to keep Freeman.  Buck Freeman hit .286 in ten games for Detroit that year, before moving to the Toronto Canucks of the International League.  If nothing else, the dispute at least clarified the correct spelling of his name.

A couple years later, Van Derbeck found himself in another of apparently many such disputes, this time with Minneapolis and Milwaukee over two players named Hahn and Nicol. 


Van Derbeck has been accused of more sharp practice than any other magnate in the league, and has been in trouble a number of times, but always managed to get off with a censure.

The Indianapolis News, March 10, 1897, page 7.

In this case, he didn’t get away with a censure.  The Western League Board of Directors brought the hammer down, fining him $100, to be paid within two weeks, or he would be expelled from the league.  Some observers found the league’s action “questionable,” since the two injured parties, Killelea and Comiskey, the owners of Milwaukee and Minneapolis respectively, were members of the board assessing the penalty.

Van Derbeck appealed the Hahn decision to the national board of baseball arbitration, and came away with a rare victory, which was celebrated in the local press.

The Hahn case is one of the few which Detroit has won, and is all the more acceptable because it knocked out the decision of the board of directors which sat to throw the harpoon into the Detroit magnate.  Hahn belonged to Detroit, and now Comiskey can yell bloody murder until he is tired; but it will do him no good.  Monkeying with the bright works will not do for minor leagues, no matter how the directors stand.

Detroit Free Press, April 18, 1897, page 6.

It wasn’t just his professional relationships that brought him grief; personal relationships were a problem too. 

Mary H. Van Derbeck was granted a divorce yesterday on the ground of infidelity, from George A. Van Derbeck, the baseball magnate.  The question of alimony was deferred for settlement until June 15.

Detroit Free Press, November 24, 1899, page 6.

His wealth would lead to a then-record award of alimony.  



His acrimony with the league nearly cost him an additional $4,000 and put his ex-wife in position to become the first female owner of a major league team – but it didn’t work out that way.

George Van Derbeck appealed the amount of alimony, arguing that it would force him to sell his team and deprive him of all of his means.  He argued that the court did not consider the amount of debt he owed, and besides, “Mrs. Van Derbeck is still young, healthy and attractive, and, therefore, not entitled to so large an amount.”[xxviii]But to no avail.

With Van Derbeck on the ropes, the league took action to force him out of the league, while giving his wife an additional $4,000 windfall.  In January 1900, just months after the league changed its name from the Western League to the American League, the league arranged a forced transfer of the team from Van Derbeck to his wife, with the purchase price set at an amount equal to the alimony judgment.  The arrangement got quite a bit of press, since it would have made Mrs. Van Derbeck the first female owner of a professional baseball team.


Mrs. Van Derbeck secured the franchise and all the base ball assets of George Van Derbeck last Saturday through a sale ordered by the courts. . . .  When the sale came off there was only one bidder and that one was Mr.s Van Derbeck’s attorney, who bid in the club for $8,000 . . . .

South Bend Tribune, February 23, 1900, page 3.

But although several outlets reported that she was eager to run the team, and that the league was willing to let her, her actual intent may have been to turn around and resell the team at an enormous profit to prearranged buyers, essentially stealing $4,000 from her husband.

Fort Wayne Sentinel, February 17, 1900, page 2.

Elliott G. Stevenson, attorney for Mrs. Van Derbeck, and who made the bid in her behalf, says that the property will undoubtedly be sold to local parties, some of whom have offered $12,000 cash for it.  The divorcee was the only bidder.

Fort Wayne Sentinel, February 17, 1900, page 2.
 
George Van Derbeck was able to convince a court to see through the shenanigans, stop the forced sale to Mrs. Van Derbeck at below-than-market price, and let him sell the team at a fair market price.  He then settled his debt with his ex-wife and retained the remaining value of his team for himself.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 6, 1900, page 1.

Shortly afterward, there were rumors that he would buy his way back into the league, with a new American League franchise in Louisville, but it never panned out.  Out of baseball for the first time in a decade, George Van Derbeck returned to Toledo, Ohio, and rejoined his first ex-father-in-law in the lower-profile fruit commission business.

 
Fruit Trade Journal, Volume 30, Number 26, April 9, 1904, page 8.

But even a lower profile couldn’t keep him out of the papers forever.  In 1908, he was sued for negligence when a shipment of onions spoiled on its way to Utah; the alleged culprit? – lack of adequate ventilation.

The H. L. Griffin company of [Ogden] has commenced an action in the district court against George A. Van Derbeck of Toledo, O., for $200 damages for alleged negligence in packing a car of onions.

Salt Lake Herald, December 10, 1908, page 3.

The $200 case dragged on for years, with a default judgment in 1909, reversal on appeal in early-1911, and finally a trial by jury in late-1911.

The Ogden Standard, November 20, 1911, page 6.

But after a two day trial, the plaintiff dismissed its original $200 complaint, only to re-file asking for $700 in damages; enough to make a grown man cry.  No word on the outcome. 

George Van Derbeck appears to have moved to Los Angeles some time before 1918.  His name appears in the results of a few golf-tournaments in the late-teens and early-twenties.  He was a decent golfer, competitive but not a champion.  He shot a 79 in the Los Angeles city championship at Griffith Park in 1918, placing him among the top-eleven.

In 1927, George Van Derbeck found his way back into the papers for another embarrassing legal mess with another woman.  Years after his divorce, his ex-wife (presumably his second ex-wife) threatened to sue him and take more property from him.  To protect his property (he believed), and at the urging of Lydia Mills, “a close friend at the time” (they had considered marriage), placed some of his property in her name.  But when the threat subsided, and he wanted the property back in his name, she refused. 

When Ms. Mills broke down on the stand while testifying about their relationship, the judge pointed to the marriage bureau across the hall, suggested they just get married to resolve the matter, and sent them home to think about it overnight.  

Judge Crawford took the bench with a confidential air as the case was scheduled to be resumed and already had in mind whom should be called as witnesses to the marriage.

But his honor was “in error.” Instead of being greeted by a marriage license the judge was handed a motion for a change of venue prepared by Vanderbeck’s attorneys . . . .  “Motion for change of venue granted.”

Los Angeles Times, May 10, 1927, page 21.

After a long, productive life in which George A. Van Derbeck helped start three baseball leagues, three baseball teams, and giving life to three now-familiar team names, George Van Derbeck died in Los Angeles in 1938, remembered simply as, “George A. Van Derbeck, of 1734 Kent street [(now an empty lot a block west of Echo Park)], loving brother of Mrs. Elizabeth A. Wendell.” 

No mention of his connection to the Detroit Tigers, Los Angeles Angels or Portland Webfooters.

Indianapolis News, April 19, 1898, page 6.
 
Galesburg Enterprise, May 7, 1897, page 4.










[i]Los Angeles Herald, March 21, 1892, page 5.
[ii]Detroit Free Press, January 28, 1894, page 6.
[iii]Albany Democrat (Albany, Oregon), July 26, page 1.
[iv]Morning Daily Herald (Albany, Oregon), September 10, 1889, page 3.
[v]The Capital Journal (Salem, Oregon), July 1, 1891, page 3.
[vi]San Francisco Examiner, January 8, 1892, page 5.
[vii]The earliest example I found is from 1862.  The Sonoma County Journal, March 14, 1862, page 1 (“How do you imagine the Web-footers cut their trees down?”).
[viii]Washington Standard (Olympia, Washington), February 14, 1863, page 1.
[ix]Morristown Gazette (Morristown, Tennessee), January 21, 1874, page 1 (“As I promised in my previous letters to the Gazette that I would keep you posted as to Oregon; and, as the weather is and has been such as to make old “web-footers” (those born in the Willimette Valley), shiver, grumble and use very forcible language, I have took some trouble to look up the ‘weather report.’”
[x]“Getting Our Webfeet in a Row: The Story Behind the Oregon Ducks,” Paul Caputo, http://news.sportslogos.net/2014/09/27/getting-our-webfeet-in-a-row-the-story-behind-the-oregon-ducks/
[xi]Oakland Tribune, April 13, 1903, page 2 (“Lindsay pitched for Harris’ hired men [(Seattle)] and was in fine form as was Kostal for the Ducks.”).
[xiii]Albany Daily Democrat (Albany, Oregon), March 26, 1894, page 3; The Eugene Guard, March 26, 1894, page 4.
[xv]Statesman Journal (Salem, Oregon), January 25, 1906, page 3.
[xvi]Searches on newspapers.com, of Oregon newspaper archives in the decade from 1896 through 1905, resulted in two hundred and forty-seven “hits” for “Webfooter” against only six “hits” for “Beaver State” during the same period; a ratio of 45-1.
[xvii]Statesman Journal (Salem, Oregon), January 16, 1906, page 8 (“Now Oregon is the Beaver state.  The Oregon editors declared at their meeting last week, and they have the power to enforce the order.”).
[xix]Los Angeles Herald, March 21, 1892, page 5.
[xx]San Francisco Examiner, February 11, 1887, page 2.
[xxi]Los Angeles Herald, January 21, 1893, page 6.
[xxiii]Detroit Free Press, April 18, page 2 (“The deacon’s gang may come out of the bushes in May and lambaste the daylights out of Strouthers’ tigers.”); Detroit Free Press, April 23, 1895, page 2 (“Strouthers’ Tigers downed the Gold Bugs again to-day, and did it in the handiest manner. . . .”).
[xxiv] Although the Detroit Light Guard dated back to the 1830s, it adopted the nickname in the early 1880s. See, for example, Walter F. Clowes, The Detroit Light Guard, Detroit, John F. Eby & Company, 1900, page 66 (“It was on May 1st of [1882] that the company adopted the present crest, consisting of a tiger’s head, with the motto “Deo Liberati Gloriae,” and ever since, the members have styled themselves “The Tigers.”).  Other references suggest that the emblem, if not the name, may be older.  The Light Guard used a tiger head on a badges as early as 1874 (Port Huron Times Herald (Michigan), October 3, 1874, page 4, “A Badge of Honor. – Miss Sallie Holman has been made the recipient of a very handsome gold badge by the Detroit Light Guard.  It comprises a bar, pendant from which is a circular badge of burnished gold, upon the face of which is a laurel wreath with crossed muskets supporting the monogram “Co. A.”  Below this is the regular Light Guard badge with tiger head and monogram in center.”), and on a flag as early as 1880 (Detroit Free Press, November 17, 1880, page 1, “. . . a banner . . . of the heaviest silk, red and white stripes and a blue field which bears a striking facsimile of a tiger’s head, hand-worked with silk embroidery in such a way that the head stands out very prominent on the field.”)..
[xxv]Detroit Free Press, January 18, 1939, page 3.
[xxvii]The earliest known amateur game under electric light was played in 1880, and with other experiments under electric or gas light following during the 1880s. See my earlier post, “Don’t Believe Everything You Read.” For more information on the 1896 game in Detroit, see, https://www.detroitathletic.com/blog/2011/08/31/the-first-night-game-at-michigan-trumbull-was-played-in-1896/
[xxviii]Detroit Free Press, January 16, 1900, page 5.


An American Football Idiom . . . from Canada?!? – a History and Etymology of “Moving the Goalposts”

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On March 22, 2019, Special Counsel Robert Mueller delivered the final report of his investigation, the “Mueller Report,” to the Department of Justice.  Attorney General William Barr released a summary of the report’s conclusions two days later.  In response, and almost immediately, partisans on all sides “moved the goalposts.”

A New York Times editorial scolded “the majority of Democratic leadership” for letting Trump “move the goal posts.”

[T]hey put too many eggs in the Mueller basket, and allowed Trump to move the goal posts. Indeed, now the goal posts are permanently affixed to skates.[i]

A Fox News editorial scolded the Democrats “moving the goal posts” themselves. 

Almost from the start, Democrats and their media echo chamber have moved the goal posts on collusion.[ii]

In subsequent weeks, talking heads, editorialists, and journalists increasingly accused politicians from one party or the other of “moving the goalposts.”

All of which raises more serious questions – how long have people been metaphorically moving goalposts, where did it begin, and why? 


The Origins

In 1990, William Safire, writing in his “On Language” column in the New York Times Magazine (October 28), quoted Peter Stothard, the United States editor of The Times of London as saying “this term is British,” despite listing an earliest-known example of the expression in 1978 spoken by an American, Albert V. Casey, the CEO of American Airlines.  But William Safire did not have the benefit of current digital archive and search technology.  Another British airline executive did in fact use the expression a year earlier,[iii]but even then, it was decades after its first use in the United States and long usage in Canada.

The proverbial “goalposts” are from American or Canadian football, not soccer.  The expression appeared as early as 1932, in a debate over proposed rules changes at the Democratic National Convention.  It doesn’t appear with any frequency until the 1950s and 1960s, and then only in Canada, primarily in British Columbia. The expression did not appear regularly in American newspapers until the 1970s; increasingly so after 1974 when the National Football League actually did move the goalposts from the goal-line to the back of the end-zone.

And even when new, the expression itself was not cut from whole cloth.  It appears to be a specific variant of an earlier, more general idiom, “changing the rules in the middle of the game.”


Changing the Rules . . .

During war games of the British Navy in 1889, the British fleet captured three ships of the Achillean fleet.  A subsequent order to release the ships was considered unfair.

These instructions are tantamount to an alteration of the rules in the middle of the game, and seeing that the very last ton of coal at Falmouth was used in coaling them, and that a redistribution of the Fleet was made on their being counted on this side, it is not too much to say that this order has utterly upset, for the moment, the strategical and coaling arrangements.

The Standard(London), August 22, 1889, page 5.

Years later, the expression appeared in Canada, coincidentally in a debate about the British Navy.  Canada was debating the creation of its own navy to protect its shores, instead of relying on the British Navy as it had since its founding.  Conservative politicians decried the move as traitorous; an insult to the capabilities of the British Navy.  Liberal politicians like Sir Wilfrid, on the other hand, wanted “Canada to come forward and take her share of the defense.”[iv]

Dr. Michael Clark, the “fighting Liberal” criticized efforts by conservatives to close debate and force their own navy bill through Parliament.

The Victoria Daily Times (British Columbia), May 13, 1913, page 7.
 
Referring to the closure, Dr. Clarke said that the government had changed the rules in the middle of the game.  What did the people of Ontario call a man who would do that? “A coward,” shouted one, “a cheap sport,” said another.  “Then we will take the argument on our side and make them dead sports,” said Dr. Clarke.

Winnipeg Tribune, May 6, 1913, page 4.

The United States had a maritime debate of its own the following year, in the early days of World War I, before it joined the fight.


Sir: Perhaps the most underhand and contemptible movement in this country since the outbreak of the European war is the agitation, apparently well organized, to prevent by means of embargo legislation the sale and shipment of supplies and munitions of war to the belligerents.

. . . [N]ot only is it bad economic policy, since it would stop many forms of industrial activity and increase unemployment; not only is it without precedent, since during the Russian-Japanese and the Balkan wars American dealers were allowed to get what few orders they could in competition with English, German and French manufacturers, but is, worst of all, essentially un-American, since it proposes to “change the rules in the middle of the game,” a thing abhorred by all lovers of fair play.

New York Tribune, December 17, 1914, page 10.

A generation later, the expression appeared prominently in widespread reports to change the nominating rules in the middle of the Democratic National Convention.  Supporters of Franklin Delano Roosevelt saw the change as a way to break the South’s stranglehold of power over the party. 

Several prominent Democrats came out in favor of change; but only after the Convention, not during.  Former candidate William McAdoo (who lost the nomination to Alfred E. Smith in 1924) and Senator Harrison of Mississippi were quoted using similar language in opposition to the rule change in “the middle of the game.”[v]

New York’s Democratic Mayor Jimmy Walker made a similar point, using slightly different words, a couple days later.  Perhaps he was a fan of the New York Football Giants.

“The two-thirds rule will be a good thing to abolish for the next convention, but trying to change it now is like moving the goal posts up five yards in the middle of a football game.  It’s a sport-loving country, and we prefer play according to the rules.”

The News (Paterson, New Jersey), June 28, 1932, page 3.

This is the only example of the idiom I could find before it popped up again in Canada in the 1950s.  But it wasn’t the only reference to literally moving of goalposts.  The goalposts had actually been moved in college and professional football in 1927, resulting in a significant drop in scoring.  The move was controversial, sparking years of debate, which might easily have informed Jimmy Walkers’ choice of idiom.  The National Football League moved the goalposts back to their original, “proper” position on the goal-line before the 1933 season. 


The Placement of Goalposts

When the rules of American football were laid down in the early-1880s, the length of the field was set at 110 yards, with the goalposts at the goal-line.  Without the forward pass (it would not be legal until 1907), there was need for an end-zone beyond the goal-line; the field simply ended.  Touching the ball down across the line scored a touchdown. 

The advent of the forward pass in 1907 changed the game, but it didn’t immediately change the field.  As first enacted, the forward pass rules did not permit catching a touchdown pass beyond the goal-line.  In a game in which people had always scored by crossing the line with the ball, there may have been a conceptual difficulty in imagining an extension of the field beyond the goal-line where the football might be caught.

But after several years of experience, the rules-makers caught up to the new passing game.  In 1912, they extended the length of the field from 110 yards to 120 yards; shortening the distance between goal-lines to 100 yards with end-zones ten yards-deep beyond the goal-lines.  The goalposts moved ten yards closer to one another, but remained on the goal-line.  And in one fell-swoop, the best seats in the house went from the 55-yard line to the 50-yard line.

Goalposts on the goal-line were perceived as problematic even before the forward pass and touchdown pass were legalized.  In 1904, Princeton, Harvard and other universities called for moving the goalposts behind the goal-line, if for different reasons.

Princeton is in favor of the change because such a move would solve the problem of the relative value of the touchdown and field goal.  Harvard and several other colleges are favorable to such a change, because it would serve to eliminate physical danger.  This is unquestionably the strongest argument for moving the goal back.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), March 23, 1904, page 14.

The goalposts created even more problems for the new passing game, particularly after 1912 when they interfered with the path of balls thrown into the end-zone.

The debate was joined.  As early as February 1913, football historian Parke H. Davis suggested moving the goalposts to the back of the end-zone.

Tampa Times, February 7, 1913, page 9.

The debate persisted until 1927, when the colleges and the professionals moved the goalposts to the back of the end-zone.  Kicking then wasn’t what it is today.  The new rule was expected to significantly reduce the number of kicks for an extra-point after touchdown.  One analyst, expecting more fake-kicks on extra-point attempts, drew up one such successful fake-kick from a memorable high school game several years earlier, to let his readers know what to expect in the upcoming season.

Boston Globe, October 3, 1927, page 11.

But the move did little to stop the debate.  In 1927, the number of successful field-goal attempts dropped 80%, from 296 to 60, from 1926 levels, with a correspondingly significant drop in overall scoring.  

Boston Globe, December 25, 1933, page 21.

As a result, the proper placement of the goalposts remained a subject of regular debate for several years.
 
The Muscatine Journal (Muscatine, Iowa), December 23, 1930, page 8.
San Francisco Examiner, October 17, 1931, page 18.

In February 1933[vi], about six months after the Democratic National Convention, the National Football League moved the goalposts again, this time back to the goal-line.

First, the pros are moving the goal posts back to the goal line, which is expected to revive the lost art of place-kicking and drop-kicking.  The suspense of watching a ball soar from the toe of a Brickley or a Pfaffman on the 35-yard line, describing a deadly arc between the posts, is to be restored to the stands.

The Decatur Daily (Decatur, Alabama), July 17, 1933, page 6.

The new goalpost placement (along with a couple other offense-friendly rule changes) was a big success.  Scoring doubled in 1933 over 1932 – something that did not go unnoticed in the Canadian press.

Twice as many field goals kicked; twice as many points scored, 1,105 in 57 games; a greater percentage of passes completed, 614 of 1,630 or more than 37 percent; tie games decreased from 20 percent of those played in 1932 to only five or less than five percent of the league contests in 1933.

The Winnipeg Tribune (Manitoba), December 12, 1933.

The increased offensive production in professional football revived the debate on goalpost placement in college football, where it was debated nearly every year.  The debate grabbed headlines again in the late-1950s.

Akron Beacon Journal (Akron, Ohio), January 4, 1958, page 13.

The Indiana Gazette (Indiana, Pennsylvania), January 13, 1959, page 10.
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, January 4, 1958, page 8.

In the NFL, the goalposts would remain on the goal-line until 1974, apparently sparking a surge in popularity of the “move the goalposts” idiom in the United States, where it had been in occasional use since at least 1970. 

Surprisingly, however (for an expression apparently based on American football) the idiom appears to have caught on in Canada first.  Or perhaps it shouldn’t come as a surprise.  American football itself was a gift from students from Montreal’s McGill University, who brought Rugby-style football to Harvard in 1874 (see my earlier post, “American Football came from . . . Canada?”). 


Canadian Goalposts

Apart from the one-off example of the idiom in 1932, it does not appear with any great frequency until the 1950s, and then almost exclusively in Canada, in British Columbia in particular.

In the early 1950s, Arthur Laing, a Member of Parliament from Vancouver, British Columbia, used the idiom in his newspaper column, “This Week in Canada’s Parliament.”

Reaction to the Report is good throughout the country and probably Mr. Knowles expressed most people’s thoughts when he said “let’s get it adopted” before as he inferred “moving the goal posts again.”

Richmond Review(Richmond, British Columbia), July 5, 1950, page 2.

The new proposal will give us a real pension system with an assured source of continuing income to properly finance it.  Let us get this system adopted first before we talk about moving the goal posts again.

Richmond Review(Richmond, British Columbia), May 16, 1951, page 4.

The expression appeared in British Columbia again in the late-1950s through the mid-1960s.

In 1959, Gordon Gibson Sr., a lumber millionaire and “self-styled protector of the small logging operator,”[vii]criticized policies consolidation large Canadian logging firms under the control of American companies.


“They have been successful under the old rules, but now they are moving the goalposts,” he said.  “They are making it impossible for anyone from now on to score a touchdown.”

The Vancouver Sun, November 18, 1959, page 21


The idiom returned in 1962, in a political debate over electrical power in British Columbia.  W. A. C. Bennett, the Premier of British Columbia, was accused of moving the goalposts.  

The Province(Vancouver, British Columbia), March 17, 1962, page 1.

It seems obvious that the Premier, having lost the preliminary steps instituted by the B. C. Power Corporation to have a fair price established in court, moved quickly to choke off the due processes of law.  In the phrase of one shareholder, he “changed the goal-posts in the middle of the game.”

Times Colonist(Victoria, British Columbia), March 20, 1962, page 1.

A few months later, Bennett accused his opponents of doing precisely the same thing.

Premier Bennett will fly to Ottawa Aug. 25 [1962] for talks on the long-stalled Columbia River treaty – but he’s wondering if someone’s moved the goalposts on him.

The Province(Vancouver, British Columbia), August 10, 1962, page 3.



He has a bottmless enthusiasm for succeeding competitively through a test of wits or shrewdness, even, as Bolwell quotes one of his critics, if it means moving the goalposts while the game is in progress.

The Vancouver Sun (Vancouver, British Columbia), January 31, 1963, Page 6.

Nanaimo Daily News (Nanaimo, British Columbia), February 27, 1964, page 2.

(Coincidentally, future Canadian and College Football Hall of Famer (and Super Bowl loser with the Minnesota Vikings) Joe Kapp appeared on the same page.)



Despite its regular (if infrequent) use in British Columbia since at least 1950, the expression does not seem to have been very well known, even in British Columbia, as late as 1965.  It seemed new in 1965, at least to a Vancouver reporter who found the idiom particularly “witty,” having recently learned it from a “resident Toronto correspondent.”

Perhaps the wittiest definition of his sense of fair play came from a resident Toronto correspondent who wrote that Bennett would win even if it meant moving the goalposts while the game was in progress.

Vancouver Sun, February 16, 1965, page 6.


American Goalposts

Americans picked up the idiom by the 1970s.

But the Heart Association itself, a short two years ago, pegged the national average at 600 milligrams.  No one knows when AHA “moved the goalposts,” if it ever has.

Daily Sentinel(Grand Junction, Colorado), October 10, 1971, page 42.

In 1971, controversy swirled around Clint Murchison’s management of Dallas Stadium, sparking a more subject-appropriate use of the idiom.

This quick move to wrap the insurance coverage in Murchison money is like moving the goal posts to the thirty yard line on one end of the field.

Irving Daily News (Irving, Texas), October 17, 1971, page 4. 

By the early-1970s, “soccer-style” kickers’ improved field-goal kicking techniques had made field-goals and extra points much easier, thereby negating some of the reasons for moving the goalposts to the goal-line in the first place.  In response, the NFL moved the goalposts back to the end-line before the 1974 season. 

Ironically, Miami Dolphin Garo Yepremian, one of the kickers whose skills prompted the change, complained loudly.

“I think it’s one of the worst rules they could possibly put in,” said Yepremian when he heard that his kicks would have to travel 10 extra yards to reach the cross bars.  “Now there will be even less scoring because coaches will decide to punt instead of trying long field goals.  It’s going to make the game more conservative.

Daily Oklahoman(Oklahoma City, Oklahoma), April 26, 1974, page 21.

The debate and new rule may have played a role in making the idiom increasingly common, and crossing all political lines.

Lincoln Star(Lincoln, Nebraska), August 19, 1974, page 7.
 
Albany Democrat-Herald (Albany, Oregon), February 6, 1975, page 10.

Carlsbad Current-Argus ( New Mexico), June 19, 1975, page 18.

Arizona Daily Star (Tucson, Arizona), October 12, 1997, page F3.
 
New York Daily News, June 7, 1999, page 31.








[i]“It’s Bigger Than Mueller and Trump,” Charles M. Blow, New York Times online, March 24, 2019.
[ii]“How Long Has Mueller Known There Was No Trump-Russia Collusion?,” Fox News online, March 26, 2019.
[iii]Aberdeen Press Journal (Scotland), February 24, 1977, page 7 (“Mr. Vivian Slight, the Gatwick-based independent airline’s [(British Caledonian Airways)] legal associate, told the CAA fares panel it was an experiment that had not come up to expectations.  He said BCAL now sought to ‘move the goal posts’ by introducing two new weekday off-peak fares – one for senior citizens at 50% discount and the other a year-round excursion fare at the same level as the winter weekend fare.”).
[iv]The Winnipeg Tribune (Manitoba), May 6, 1913, page 4.
[v]“McAdoo for Change in Rule, but Not During Game,” Boston Globe, June 25, 1932, page 3; “Can Win Under Old Rule, Says Harrison,” Boston Globe, June 25, 1932, page 3.
[vi]Cincinnati Enquirer, February 27, 1933, page 9.
[vii]“B. C. Entrepreneur Dead at Age 81,” Calgary Herald, July 19, 1986, page H8.

Impeachment, Congressional Subpoenas and Property Damage – How the Easter Egg Roll Became a White House Tradition

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Tampa Tribune(Tampa, Florida), April 23, 1916, page 36.



On Easter Monday 1878, President Rutherford B. Hayes opened the grounds of the White House for children to engage in the unique, local tradition of rolling Easter eggs, in what is now widely considered the first “official” White House Easter egg roll.  But it wasn’t the first time children had rolled eggs on the White House lawn.  Children had been rolling their Easter eggs on the White House lawn through at least the four previous Presidential administrations, and it may have been much older.  It was a “yearly custom” as early as 1860, during the Buchanan administration.[i]


To-day, according to yearly custom, the juveniles, boys and girls, are enjoying themselves immensely in the President’s grounds rolling Easter eggs down the slopes, cracking them, and having a merry time generally.  The grounds are fairly musical with their ringing, childish laughter.
 
Evening Star (Washington DC), April 9, 1860, page 3.


Hundreds of bright and happy children enjoyed themselves in the President's grounds yesterday, and on other grounds, rolling their Easter eggs.

National Republican (Washington DC), April 15, 1873, page 4.


The big boys have for a week been “picking eggs,” and the little ones and the girls have been anxiously waiting for to-morrow to see their dyed-eggs of many colors, and will wait anxiously for the next day, when they can have the fun of rolling both themselves and the eggs down hill and having a good time generally– the grounds of the Capitol and the Executive Mansion being placed at their disposal for that purpose annually.

National Republican (Washington DC), March 27, 1875, page 1.

First Lady Dolley Madison is often credited with introducing the annual tradition in the 1810s.  But that story first appeared in print in the 1940s, so it may just be an old (President’s)-wives’ tale.  One account published in 1885 said the custom had “been observed for 60 to 70 years,” which would agree, generally with the later Dolley Madison tale.  A widely circulated article published three years later suggested that “Easter egg rolling at the capital [(the city, not the building)] has been going on every Easter Monday for nearly thirty years,” noting that it had been described as usual in 1860.[ii] 

But even though 1878 was not the first year eggs were rolled at the White House, it did mark a dramatic shift in Washington DC egg-rolling power dynamics, from the Legislative branch to the Executive branch.  It was the first year in recent memory in which the White House, and not the Capitol building, was the premier Washington DC destination for egg rolling. 

Two years earlier, and less than two weeks following a particularly disruptive, chaotic and destructive Easter Monday in 1876, President Grant signed legislation banning egg rolling on the steep, grassy terraces around the Capitol.  Heavy rains put the kibosh on the egg rolling in 1877, so 1878 marked the first major egg rolling activity since the ban.  With the Capitol off-limits, the White House was the only game in town, establishing the White House as THE place to roll one’s eggs.  As a result, the 1878 White House Easter egg roll is widely considered the first “official” egg roll, an event held annually since then with few exceptions. 

Several factors contributed to the disruption, chaos and destruction at the Capitol building on Easter Monday in 1876.  Damage to the lawn had been a concern for several years, but a short story about the event in a popular magazine with nationwide distribution may have increased general awareness of the previously strictly local tradition, bringing in even bigger crowds and a “disorderly element”[iii]causing more damage.  And on that particular Easter Monday, the crowds were augmented by spectators and press drawn to two high-profile hearings, one in the Senate and one in the House.

The Senate was in session that day for the impeachment trial of William W. Belknap, the first member of a Presidential cabinet ever accused of stealing.  The House was in session that day to vote on Hallet Kilbourn’s Habeas Corpusresolution, an issue testing the limits of Congressional power to compel members of the Executive branch to testify at a Congressional hearing.  Congress had issued a subpoena, and Kilbourn refused to testify.  Congress voted to compel his testimonybut the Supreme Court overturned the vote a couple years later, with its decision in Kilbourn v. Thompson. 

President Trump and his legal team put Kilbourn v. Thompson back in the news in 2019, citing it in a lawsuit seeking to limit Congressional inquiry into matters arguably already addressed by the Mueller report.  Ironically, he filed the lawsuit on April 22, 2019, Easter Monday, the same day he and First Lady Melania Trump attended an Easter egg roll on the South Lawn of the White House.  Time will tell whether the Executive or Legislative branch will prevail on the issue, but one thing remains the same – the White House still has an Easter egg roll and Congress does not.  Was he trying to send a message by filing it on Easter Monday? (Yeah, prob'ly not.)

When Easter egg rolling came to Washington DC, whether introduced by Dolley Madison or someone else, it was likely influenced by an earlier egg-rolling tradition from Britain.  In 1891, “Professor Mason of the museum” (presumably Otis T. Mason, ethnologist, folklorist and curator at the Smithsonian Institution) gave credit to “a few old Scotch settlers who brought the custom from the land of the thistle.”[iv]

The Professor may have been right, or at least not far off.  Northern England has an egg rolling tradition said to date back hundreds of years.


The Republican majority in the Senate prepares to smash bills proposed by the Democrat majority in the House.  Evening Star (Washington DC), April 17, 1911, page 1.



Egg Rolling in England

In England, the custom of rolling eggs on Easter Monday was limited primarily to Northern England near Lancaster. 

Easter Monday. – Monday last was a day of merry-making for the young folks here, some hundred of whom assembled, under the superintendence of the Sunday school teachers and others, in the Friarage field, to enjoy the pastime of egg-rolling.

Lancaster Gazette, April 25, 1835, page 3.

Over the next few decades, the pages of the Lancaster Gazette chronicled similar events in other area villages, including Heysham, Skerton, Wray and Preston. 

They also rolled colored eggs, “Pace eggs,” in Yorkshire.

Pace egg. They roll or troll them on the ground, in the fields, or elsewhere.  At Whitby there is or was a ‘children’s fair held in the space between the parish church and the abbey.’ On Troll-egg-days, or Easter Monday or Tuesday. . . . In some parts of E. Yorkshire the children go to the top of some of the Wold bluffs to troll their eggs down, and each by resorts, year by year, to the same point, trolling his egg down some shallow or surface-gully which is reserved to him solely by a kind of prescription. 

Rev. J. C. Atkinson, Glossary of the Cleveland Dialect, London, John Russel Smith, 1868, pages 368-369.

Some children in Northern Ireland rolled eggs, but it is unclear whether this was a native Irish custom or transplanted there by English settlers.

EASTER MONDAY IN BELFAST 

In former yearsthe Cave Hill used to be covered on Easter Monday with young persons who amused themselves in rolling eggs down the slopes.  Yesterday, under the combined influence of the weather and the restrictive measures of Mr. Joseph Magill, the hill was almost entirely deserted.

Belfast News-Letter (Northern Ireland), April 7, 1863, page 3.

One source suggests that eggs were rolled on Monday, instead of Sunday, because of a resourceful Sunday School teacher’s efforts to boost attendance on Easter Sunday.  The specific time-frame, location and name of the headmaster involved lend the tale an air of authenticity, but the existence of Easter Monday traditions elsewhere suggests that it might just be a fictional attempt to promote attendance at Sunday school.  If true, it would push up the earliest date of Easter Monday egg rolling to a decade or two after Dolley Madison is said to have instituted it in the United States, casting perhaps more doubt on her story.  That’s not to say she couldn’t have hit upon the idea independently, but it’s hard to tell; especially since there’s little (or no) evidence that she did it in the first place.

The Sunday school story also describes how children in at least one place played the game – it was more like a demolition derby than a race, the last egg to break was the winner.

EGG MONDAY IN LANCASTER.

In Lancaster, as in many other places in the north of England, it is the custom at Easter for the children to amuse themselves by rolling pace-eggs, so called probably from their being Paschal or Easter-eggs.  Pence are saved for some time, and as the festival draws near they are invested in eggs and sundry dyes, which are to impart to the eggs the varied hues which distinguish them from common eggs.  The eggs when prepared are taken into the fields and rolled from one child to another, the egg that stands most collisions without breaking being considered the victor.  The hard-boiled eggs are then eaten or bartered for sweetmeats.  This holiday has been celebrated for hundreds of years, and as a relic, we suppose, of Roman Catholic times was commonly observed on Easter Sunday.

On that day, some thirty or forty years since, the Sunday-schools of Lancaster were deserted by their scholars, who were to be found in the fields instead of in their classes.  This of course had caused grief to all connected with the management of Sunday-schools, and at last one man determined, God helping him, to stop the evil.

The children had been in the habit of rolling their eggs on any piece of ground they could find without any concert or union.  And so, to tempt them to give up their Sabbath desecration, Mr. Wane, who was for forty years the superintendent of St. Ann’s Sunday-school, Lancaster, promised to obtain a large field suited for the purpose, if the children of the town would put off their egg-rolling till the Monday. . . .

In a short time the Monday conquered, and the Sunday egg-rolling became a thing of the past, never to be revived.  The superintendent of St. Ann’s school still engages a field for the pace-egging, and on Easter Monday last some hundreds of children of the town were to be seen keeping up the curious old custom.  Not an egg is rolled in Lancaster on the Sunday.

The Sunday at Home Magazine for Sabbath Reading (London), Volume 10, 1863, page 437.

Secretary of War Howard Taft and Senator Joseph Foraker of Ohio roll eggs for political advantage – Teddy Roosevelt looks on from the Balcony as his namesake Teddy Bear comforts Taft. Evening Star(Washington DC), April 1, 1907, page 1.


Egg Rolling in the United States

In the United States, the custom of rolling eggs on Easter Monday was limited primarily to
Washington DC, and neighboring portions of Virginia and Maryland.  

As early as 1851, Easter Monday was observed as “general holiday” in Washington DC, and playing with eggs on the grass was already a “time-honored” custom.

The capitol parks were full of smiling little boys and girls, playing on the smooth grass and enjoying the sun-shine and the flowers of spring.  Egg-shells, dyed with every shade of the seven primitive colors, and in varied combinations, were scattered all about, showing how well this time-honored little custom has been preserved.

Daily American Telegraph (Washington DC), April 22, 1851, page 2.

“Egg rolling” clearly took place in Alexandria, Virginia a few years later.

Easter Monday. 

Large quantities of eggs were in the hands, pockets rather, of the boys, who did a brisk business ‘Picking;’ and the eggs changed hands often, much to the joy of the winner but the chagrin of the looser.  Numbers of little girls, with little baskets, filled with eggs, dyed all the colors of the Rainbow, proceeded outside the city, to seek a smooth hillside, where they amused themselves egg rolling.  Having succeeded in breaking the eggs, they had a general feast to which the whole company, in the neighborhood, were invited and a general egg frolic ensued.  All had a happy and joyous time.  The colored population of the city and neighboring country were out in large numbers, dressed in their holiday costumes. – Those from the country were engaged in selling, making purchases, visiting, and sight-seeing; they were hospitably received and entertained by their city friends and we have never seen a more delighted and happy looking set of people.

Alexandria Gazette, March 25, 1856, page 3.

Easter Monday. – had its old customswith the children – and happy groups were to be seen on the hill sides, in the morning, “rolling their eggs,” and enjoying their innocent sports – their gaiety not even repressed by the weather, which was cold and damp.

Alexandria Gazette, April 14, 1857, page 3.
 
Alexandria Gazette, April 22, 1867, page 3.

Alexandria Gazette, April 10, 1871, page 3.


Egg rolling wasn’t always just fun and games.  In 1868, a group of children from Alexandria rolling eggs “near the water reservoir, beyond West End” were victims of a “vicious assault” which ended in an “exciting chase.”

Two or three of the children were severely hurt by the blows and kicks of their assailants.  Some of the citizens of West End, upon being informed of the circumstances of the affair, procured a warrant for the arrest of the guilty parties, and after an exciting chase, during which mill races were traversed, and guns and knives produced by the fugitives, five were captured, two of whom – Bill Jackson and Bill Mason – after examination before Justice Lewis, were committed to Fairfax county jail.

Alexandria Gazette, April 14, 1868, page 3.

The tradition also appears to have continued in Washington DC, even though specific references to it were few and far between.  After the early reference to egg rolling on the “President’s grounds” in 1860, the next earliest references to rolling eggs in Washington DCC appeared in 1873.  

Republican Banner (Greensburg, Kansas), March 23, 1894, page 3.

Hundreds of bright and happy children enjoyed themselves in the President's grounds yesterday [(Easter Monday)], and on other grounds, rolling their Easter eggs.

National Republican (Washington DC), April 15, 1873, page 4.



By 1874, the tradition of rolling eggs on Easter Monday in Washington DC appears to have grown in popularity, with hundreds of children turning into thousands.  And the Capitol had become the most popular spot, although it was still done at the White House (and elsewhere) as well.

Gamboling on the Green. – To-day being Easter Monday, and a holiday for the pupils of the public schools, as many as 5,000 children, girls and boys, at about 9 o’clock this morning, wended their way to the west Capitol grounds for the purpose of spending the day.  Most of them carried lunch baskets, and all were provided with a goodly number of hard-boiled eggs variously colored.  Several of the children were present.  The freedom of the grounds being tendered them by the Capitol police, the little ones at once began the sports of the day by rolling their eggs down the terraces.  When they became broken they were eaten by the boys and girls and others were produced for another test.  If, after several trials, they were not broken, the game of “picking eggs” was indulged in.  Another way the boys had of getting rid of their surplus vitality was to roll from the top to the bottom of the terraces, and then clamber up again and repeat the performance.

Evening Star (Washington DC), April 6, 1874, page 4.

The Easter egg roll at the Capitol also made headlines for less innocent reasons that year.  Armistead (or Omstead) Holmes and William Woodlawn “not only stopped the children in their harmless pleasure of trundling their varied-colored eggs down the declivity, but began picking them up and tossing them indiscriminately down the bank, regardless of how they reached the bottom.”[v]  In at least one case, they sent a young girl “unprepared on the back-handspring-action down an embankment of several feet in height, injuring her quite severely.”[vi]  They also assaulted a policeman during the arrest.

Harrisburg Telegraph (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), April 20, 1889, page 2.

In 1875, the children of Washington DC rolled eggs at the Capitol and the White House.

The big boys have for a week been “picking eggs,” and the little ones and the girls have been anxiously waiting for to-morrow to see their dyed-eggs of many colors, and will wait anxiously for the next day, when they can have the fun of rolling both themselves and the eggs down hill and having a good time generally – the grounds of the Capitol and the Executive Mansion being placed at their disposal for that purpose annually.

National Republican (Washington DC), March 27, 1875, page 1.

The grounds around the President’s house and capitol building were completely taken possession of to-day by children, in the usual custom of “rolling eggs.”  It is estimated that at one time there were present in the capitol grounds at least three thousand persons enjoying themselves, old as well as young, whose time was mostly spent in running up and down the hills.

Baltimore Sun, March 30, 1875, page 4. 

Several other widely circulated, lengthy accounts of the 1875 egg roll may have helped set in motion events that would result, one year later, in legislation banning the practice from the Capitol, leading ultimately to the White House becoming ground-zero for Easter Monday egg rolling in Washington DC.

Before 1875, references to Easter Monday egg rolling in the United States were few and far between.  In the two major online newspaper archives I consulted in preparing this piece (newspapers.com and the Library of Congress’ chroniclingamerica.loc.gov), I found only two references to egg rolling dated before 1875, separated by fourteen years and only in local newspapers.  The only other references to egg rolling in the United States were the handful of references from Alexandria, Virginia, and those only in local newspapers.  The New York Herald published a brief description of egg rolling in 1853, but only as a custom practiced in England.

But egg rolling’s low profile would change in 1875.  A local newspaper published, for the first time, a lengthy, detailed, sentimental description of all of the events of Easter Monday, which may have educated many government officials and civil servants from out of town about the tradition.[vii]  A newspaper in nearby Baltimore published a detailed account of the day for the first time.[viii]  A newspaper in Rock Island, Illinois published a lengthy letter from its Washington correspondent, describing the entire day in detail,[ix]and a Chicago newspaper published a description of egg rolling as practiced in the “South,” without naming Washington DC specifically.[x]

Most significantly, Helen Stuart Campbell’s (as Helen C. Weeks) short story, “Fred’s Easter Monday,” appeared in St. Nicholas Magazine[xi] that year.  St. Nicholas was a popular children’s magazine with a national distribution and tens of thousands of readers.  “Fred’s Easter Monday” was at the time, likely the most widely read account of Washington DC’s Easter Monday egg rolling traditions ever published. 

In “Fred’s Easter Monday,” an overprotective mother and recent transplant from Maine leaves her pampered, supposedly sickly son, Fred, home alone on Easter Monday with only one instruction – under no circumstances was he to leave the house.  He had every intention of following her instructions until a sparrow tapped on his windowsill, enticing him out into the sunlight and fresh air.  While looking at a caged owl that caught his attention, he strikes up a conversation with boy about his age, the first “real colored boy” he had ever met. 

The boy, George Washington Dayspring, invites Fred along to Capitol to roll a “heap” of eggs, to which Fred wonders, “why should there be a ‘heap’ of eggs up at the Capitol, and did colored people always roll them, or were they for the Senators and Representatives, who, as some one had told him, were there every day?  What did they roll them for?  Suppose they broke!”

 “’Seems to me you aint got no sense, no how,’ George Washington said, looking rather scornfully at Fred.  ‘Maybe you’s from de Norf, though.  Mammy says folks don’t know so much up Norf as dey do roun’ here.  Don’t you never roll eggs up dat way?’”

“’I guess we know enough not to,’ Fred answered, looking a little fierce.  ‘Who wants to use up eggs that way?  I’d rather sell ‘em, or eat ‘em.’”

George explains the situation, offers Fred one of his eggs, and they trot off to the Capitol.  As they pass by a uniformed policeman, George told Fred about the unique freedoms of Easter Monday, “Most days they orders us round, but to-day they lets us do anything but pull de flowers.”  After seeing the Rotunda and the hall of statues, they went out to the terraces and spent the afternoon rolling eggs, eating eggs, rolling themselves down the hill, running up again, and napping.

A few grass stains, scrapes and torn clothes later, George shows Fred the way home.  Fearful of what his mother might say, Fred cleans himself up to erase the evidence.  But when his mother comes home and apologizes for keeping him pent up all day, he confesses everything.  He didn’t break a promise he says, he only disobeyed an order, which isn’t quite so bad.  His mother decides that he isn’t the worse for wear, and forgives him.

Although it may be difficult if not impossible to assess the effect the story had on the attendance at the following year’s Easter egg roll, at least one journalist who attended the event for the first in 1876 credited the story with having piqued his curiosity.  Who knows how many others attended for the first time for the same reason?

Washington, April 24, 1876. A week ago to-day was Easter Monday, and I saw the strangest sight that one could imagine, upon the Capitol grounds.  A year or so since I read somewhere a story about a small boy in Washington who ran away from home on Easter Monday and rolled himself and his eggs down the Capitol terraces all day until he was a sight to behold, but didn’t know what it mean’t.  Last Monday I found it out.

Atchison Daily Champion, April 28, 1876, page 2.

Although some estimates put the number of children at the Capitol between 3,000 and 5,000, one observer felt there were at least 10,000 people on hand; much higher than any estimates in previous years.

Leaving thus the field of religion with its soothing, peaceful calm, we turned our steps on Monday to the next stage of gay, active life.  The children have a custom to assemble on the grounds around the Capitol on the Monday after Easter and roll eggs down the terraces of the west front.  This year there must have been nearly ten thousand people on hand, mostly of the small kind . . . .

The New North-West (Deer Lodge, Montana), May 12, 1876, page 2.

But whether there were, in fact, more people or not, the crowd may have nevertheless been unusually disruptive to the business in the Capitol.  The Senate was in session for the Belknap impeachment trial and the House to vote on the Kilbourn Habeas Corpus resolution. 

The Capitol at Washington was never in its history, perhaps, so thronged with people as it was to-day.  A triple attractionbrought the concourse together.  The impeachment proceedings in the Senate made one part and the debate and the vote on the habeas corpus question in the House made another, while the third was a peculiar local celebration of Easter Monday known as “egg rolling,”a sport enjoyed by thousands of children and youth of both sexes, for whom the day is a school holiday.  It would be hard to trace the history of the sport which is played by the children rolling and racing colored Easter eggs down the green slopes of Capitol Hill, under the very walls of the great building itself, which spot and the slopes on the river side [South lawn] of the White House are the two places of rendezvous for the amusement.  The great annual Sunday school parade at Brooklyn Prospect Park will give the reader some idea of the exciting scene, if he will fancy the thousands of children scampering up and down a green hill side, chasing the colored eggs until they break them into the finest pieces, and then romping with each other in chasing up the hill and racing down again, while the welkin rings with their laughter.  Hundreds of Congressmen and strangers stood by the hour and watched the festivities from the porches of the Capitol, which was surrounded by the children on three sides, playing in three close ranks on the three terraces and slopes of Capitol Hill.

New York Herald, April 18, 1876, page 3.

Dayton Herald (Dayton, Ohio), May 7, 1887, page 6.

And regardless with how disruptive or large the crowds were on Easter Monday 1876, they appear to have been more destructive than in earlier years.

While the impeachment proceedings were going on in the Capitol, outside, on the lawns and terraces, the children were celebrating Easter Monday, with dyed eggs.  I never fully understood the significance of Easter eggs, but I know the children always have a holiday and flock to the Capitol grounds in crowds.  After they have rolled their hard boiled eggs down the hills until they break, they eat them, and then roll themselves down.  Small boys were rolling in every direction and some not so small were being dragged down by one foot by their playmates.

I have often thought our government was extremely magnanimous to allow the grounds about its Capitol, to be so abused on Easter Monday.  Hardly a spear of the new fresh grass is left; but I understand that in the future the children will have to go elsewhere, for egg rolling is not to be allowed in the Capitol park again.

Oshkosh Northwestern (Oshkosh, Wisconsin), April 25, 1876, page 1.

And indeed, there would be no more egg rolling at the Capitol.  On Tuesday after Easter Monday, Senator Justin Smith Morrill of Vermont introduced a bill, “passed by a large majority, imposing a severe penalty upon any person found trespassing on the sward in future.  He claims that several thousand dollars will scarcely repair the damage caused by this innocent sport.”[xii]  The bill quickly passed through the House and President Grant signed it into law on April 29, 1876.

But for a drenching rain, the year 1877 might have marked the new era of “official” White House Easter egg rolls.

This being “Easter egg day,” so called by the little folks, egg rolling was supposed to be the order of the day, but a drenching rain at an early hour put a stop to the long anticipated sports, and the beautiful dyed eggs were either eaten or stowed away. . . .  An act of Congress ordered that no more egg rolling should take place in the Capitol grounds, and the young people in consequence were very indignant; their indignation was, however, to a certain extent, appeased, as the elements set aside all plans and arrangements.

The Cecil Whig (Elkton, Maryland), April 7, 1877, page 2.

A few brave souls managed to get outside and play with their eggs despite the weather, but not without difficulty – difficulties completely unrelated to weather.

Albert Steptoe, colored, was charged in the Police Court yesterday with assaulting George Hill.  Hill was a small colored boy, with a large Picadilly collar and a yard neck-tie.  Hill said he was playing with Easter-eggs.  “Albert come up and said he took off all boys’ chokers, and he grabbed me by the neck and cut me with a stick.”  The witness grabbed hold of his collar and dragged himself around, to show the court how Steptoe had treated him.  Steptoe was fined $5 and costs.

National Republican, April 4, 1877, page 4.

With the Capitol terraces off-limits, Easter Monday 1878 ushered in a new era of egg rolling at the White House.  A week before Easter, the papers reminded people of the new rule.

Evening Star, April 20, 1878, page 4.

The President made a point of opening the White House lawn for people who might otherwise have gone to the Capitol.  The same article suggested that perhaps the damage to the lawns had been a persistent problem, and the Capitol ban was a long time in coming. 

For several years the grass was swept off the terraces of the capitol every Easter by the myriads of egg-rollers, but since 1876 the use of the capitol grounds for the purpose has been forbidden by an act of Congress.  It is understood that the President has given permission to all children to roll eggs on the hills in the grounds attached to the executive mansion.

The Baltimore Sun, April 22, 1878, page 4.
Daily Deadwood Pioneer-Times (Deadwood, South Dakota), April 8, 1888, page 1.

Egg rolling at the White House was decidedly less exciting and fun than it had been on the Capitol terraces.  It’s not the children who changed, the topography was all wrong.  Eggs simply rolled better down the steep terraces of Capitol Hill than on the gently rolling slopes of the South Lawn. 

A nostalgic look back at the egg rolling at the Capitol highlighted the differences.

This was the only day in the year that the injunction, “Keep off the grass,” could be legally disregarded.

Egg-rolling was then an exciting amusement.  The west terrace is built at an angle of about forty-five degrees, and was covered with well-kept grass.  Sometimes between three and four hundred children gathered at the top of the terrace and let their eggs roll down the incline.  It happened not infrequently that little girls and boys and broken eggs were mingled in the descent.  Legitimate egg-rolling was conducted this way:  A dozen or more boys and girls scratched their initials on their eggs.  They then stood in a row at the top of the terrace, each holding an egg on the grass.  At a signal from one of the party all hands were withdrawn from the eggs.  Each little one followed his or her egg down the terrace.  The owner of the unbroken egg arriving first at the bottom of the terrace was entitled to all the other eggs.

Five years ago the crowd of egg-rollers got so large and attracted such a disorderly element that the terrace grass was ruined.  Since then egg-rolling has been carried on in the White-house grounds on the hills just south of the building.  This is where many children will go on Monday to repeat in a milder degree the scenes that drew so many children, who have since become men and women, to the Capitol grounds . . . .

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), April 17, 1884, page 3.


Harrisburg Telegraph (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), April 20, 1889, page 2.

In 1902, Thomas Edison shot footage of “Babies Rolling Eggs” at the White House – it doesn’t look like much fun.


Perhaps it was the gentle, boring slopes at the White House that prompted some people to seek better hillsides for their egg rolls.

From Her Balcony, Mrs. Cleveland and her daughters are interested spectators of the Easter Monday egg-rolling on the White House grounds. San Francisco Examiner, April 5, 1896, page 23.

Daily Deadwood Pioneer-Times (Deadwood, South Dakota), April 8, 1888, page 1 (the South Lawn of the White House was commonly known as the "White Lot").

 
Egg Rolling at the National Zoo

In 1878, the same year in which the President opened the White House grounds on Easter Monday with the Capitol terraces off-limits, one newspaper listed an alternate egg-rolling spot in what may be the earliest known reference to Washington DC’s other long-standing egg rolling location, the National Zoo.

To-morrow will be a general holiday with the children of the District, and egg-rolling parties are being made up for the country.  Quite a number of children will go to the hills near Rock creek . . . . 

The Baltimore Sun, April 22, 1878, page 4.

In 1888, Senator James B. Beck of Kentucky introduced a bill for the formation of a commission “to select a tract of land not more than 100 acres in extent, along the shores of Rock creek, a stream separating Washington from Georgetown, such land to be used for the purposes of a national zoological park.”[xiii]While it is not certain that the spot where children rolled their eggs on “the hills near Rock creek” in 1878 were within the current boundaries of the Zoo, this early reference suggests that the tradition of rolling eggs at the Zoo may pre-date the Zoo, and could be an extension of an older custom.

Rolling eggs at the National Zoo was a well-established by 1907.  It was more convenient for people who lived far from the White House, and stayed open longer for those who just couldn’t get enough.  Others rolled their eggs at other more convenient locations.

The Zoological Park was the scene today of a large gathering of children, who were accompanied by their parents, older brothers and sisters and nurses. . . .  At this time Superintendent Baker of the park always turns the lawns over to the wee folk, and today they were there from all parts of the city.  Many who live in the suburban sections of the northwest far from the White House grounds came to the Zoo Park, and under watchful eyes of the park police, they passed the time happily.

After the close of the games at the White House grounds many of the children with their tiny baskets were taken to the Zoo Park, where they continued the pleasure begun earlier in the day. . . .

In different parts of Randle Park, Congress Heights, a number of children played the Easter games, and others were in Lincoln Park, in the northeast section of the city . . . .

Evening Star (Washington DC), April 1, 1907, page 1.

Although the numbers had been down in 1907 due to cold weather, the crowds the following year were “Immense.”


The National Zoological Park, with its picturesque natural features, is said to have become a rival with the White Lot [(South Lawn)] for the Easter Monday crowds.  The number of people who visited the Zoo yesterday was by actual count 29,196.  Many of the number were children, who engaged in egg rolling and other sports.

Evening Star (Washington DC), April 21, 1908, page 4.

According to the Smithsonian National Museum of African History and Culture, Easter Monday at the Zoo continues to this day, “especially as an African American family celebration.”


"Easter Monday" at the National Zoo was a popular tradition among African American communities, the day after Easter since 1892.

Many of the visitors were African Americans who flocked to the zoo on their day off after the holiday, and faced discrimination at other events, like the White House Easter Egg Roll. Crowds spent the day seeing the animals, picnicking, and, especially popular among the children, enjoying the Annual Easter Egg Roll on Lion and Tiger Hill, shown here. The Easter Monday tradition has continued to the present, especially as an African American family celebration. In 1919, attendance reached nearly 55,000 people. #APeoplesJourney

Tampa Tribune(Tampa, Florida), April 23, 1916, page 36.




Egg Rolling Ban at the White House

President Woodrow Wilson cancelled several Easter Monday egg rolls during World War I due to security issues.  In World War II, “Franklin Roosevelt put a stop to the egg rolling on the White House lawn, where the practice had become a tradition on Easter Monday.  He said it was a waste of food, because several thousand kids can grind a lot of eggs into the soil.”[xiv]  But the legislature may not have been on the same page.  Senator Hattie Caraway of Arkansas (the first woman elected to serve a full term in the Senate) hosted an Easter egg roll at the Capitol in 1942, the first year of the ban.

The annual Easter egg-rolling on the White House lawn was called off yesterday, but youngsters were permitted to roll their own on the Capitol lawn.  Senator Hattie Caraway (seated) was hostess. New York Daily News, April 7, 1942, page 4.

The ban would last for twelve years.  President Truman had an opportunity to revive the tradition when the war was over, but refused; the White House social secretary calling it an “orgy of wasted eggs.”  And Mrs. Truman opposed wasting food during the post-war years when many countries were facing starvation.  The tradition would not return until President Eisenhower brought it back in 1953.

In the interim, egg rolling continued full-throttle at the Zoo.  Accounts of those events might easily have persuaded the Trumans to resist reinstatement, regardless of the food situation.

[T]he rolling and throwing of eggs went on as usual Monday at the national zoological park.  The cops can’t do much about it there, because there are no rules.

By 3 p.m. there were about 49,000 people in the place.  The kids gathered in groups and organized their own egg rolls.  There were no prizes.  But the police estimated there were at least 1,000 fights.  Some conducted a game called “smash-the-other-fellows-egg-and-eat-it-if-you-can.”

Capt. J. A. Collins of the park police probably had the roughest job.  He was in charge of the lost and found department.  You’d be surprised how many kids can jerk away from mama in a place that size and get themselves lost.

. . . He said that the big job would come in the next few days.  Cleaning up the shells and the rest of the mess.

“And before we get it all cleaned up,” he said, “here will come another Sunday - , and more picnics.  But thank goodness without so many hard-boiled eggs.

Alabama Journal (Montgomery, Alabama), March 31, 1948, page 4.

Jackson Daily News (Jackson, Mississippi), March 23, 1910, page 5.
.
 




[i]The White House Historical Association acknowledges “accounts of informal egg rolls staged by the children of Presidents Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson.” “A Brief History of the White House Easter Egg Roll,” Christopher Klein, History.com.
[ii]Chicago Tribune, April 6, 1941, page 33 (“The contest, similar to those that have been held on the White House lawn since the days of Dolly Madison, will be held in Fox park . . . .”); The Leader Courier (Kingman, Kansas), April 23, 1885, page 1; The Journal Times (Racine, Wisconsin), April 6, 1888, page 4.
[iii]Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), April 17, 1884, page 3.
[iv]The Austin Weekly Statesman (Austin, Texas), April 9, 1891, page 2.
[v]National Republican (Washington DC), April 7, 1874, page 5.
[vi]National Republican (Washington DC), April 8, 1874, page 8.
[vii]National Republican (Washington DC), March 30, 1875, page 4.
[viii]Baltimore Sun, March 30, 1875, page 4.
[ix]Daily Argus (Rock Island, Illinois), April 3, 1875, page 2.
[x]Chicago Daily Tribune, March 28, 1875, page 1.
[xi]“Fred’s Easter Monday,” Helen C. Weeks, St. Nicholas Magazine, April 1875, page 356-358.
[xii]Spirit of the South (Rockingham, North Carolina), April 29, 1876, page 2.
[xiii]McPherson Daily Freeman (McPherson, Kansas), April 24, 1888, page 1.
[xiv]Alabama Journal (Montgomery, Alabama), March 31, 1948, page 4.

Rotgut Moonshine, Boston and Politics, a Potent Mix - an Electrifying History and Etymology of the "Third Rail" of American Politics

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Caricature, Wit and Humor of a Nation in Picture, Song and Story, Thirteenth Edition, New York, Leslie-Judge Company, 1911.


The “third rail” is a “controversial issue usually avoided by politicians,”[i]for fear of committing political suicide.  The expression has been applied, at various times, to gun control, support for Israel, Medicare, Medicaid, health care, assimilation of immigrants, immigration reform, and abortion, gender and reproductive issues. 

The original “third rail of American politics” was Social Security, first introduced in 1982 by an aide to Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tip O’Neil of Boston, Massachusetts; inspired, he said, by childhood fear of the electrified third rail that powered Boston’s transit system. 

The now-familiar expression was not the first use of “third rail” in a political context, much less the first such use in Boston.  A spate of political “third rail” imagery in the Boston press in the late-1970s appears may have been sparked by the expansion of the Orange Line third-rail system. 

And even these early political examples were not the first idiomatic uses of “third rail.”

For several decades from 1900 through at least the 1930s, “third rail” was used to designate dangerous, moonshine liquor – “It ‘ud kill any one who’d touch it.”  

To “kiss the third rail” appears to have been a euphemism for death during the 1920s, and slang for, “go kill yourself” or “get lost.”  Although examples of the expression in print are few and far between, its appearance in one of the early political “third rail” idioms in the 1970s suggests that it may nevertheless have survived, placing the newer, now-familiar idiom in a linguistic continuum with the more distant past.


The “Third Rail of American Politics”

A congressional aide from Boston first introduced the idiom into widespread political discourse in May of 1982, with reference to Republican efforts to reform Social Security with a newly-elected Republican President, Ronald Reagan, in office.  The aide, later revealed to be Kirk O’Donnell, general counsel to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Tip O’Neil of Massachusetts,[ii]said the “third rail” metaphor came to mind from his childhood fear of subways powered by an electrical “third rail.”

One Democratic aide who used to have nightmares about the subways he rode as a child likens Social Security to the third rail of American politics.  “Anyone who tries to touch it gets electrocuted,” he says. But there is consensus in Washington that the Republicans, because of their frequent attempts to change the system since Ronald Reagan took office, have shown a remarkable willingness to commit political hara-kirion the subject.

Boston Globe, May 25, 1982, page 2.[iii]

It is easy to imagine a young child growing up in Boston might have nightmares about the dangers of the third rail.  Warning signs had been terrifying children in Boston since the third rails were first introduced in 1901.

Boston Globe, January 30, 1901, page 4.

The third rail was new in the city of Boston in 1901, but had been in use in suburban Boston for several years.  Not all of the news of the third rail was depressing.  Spot, the dog, for example, made headlines for riding a third rail-powered train between Braintree and Dorchester on a regular schedule, getting on an off the same stations at predictable times and places.

Boston Globe, September 15, 1898, page 8.

Kirk O’Donnell may have coined the expression in its now-familiar form, but he was not the first person, much less the first Bostonian, to use the “third rail” as a metaphor for danger in politics.  And even if he was motivated primarily by his childhood fear of the dangers of the electric railroad, the earlier use of “third rail” imagery in Boston politics may have been inspired by more recent events.

Boston Globe, February 1, 1975, page 17.

The Orange Line

In 1974, the Metropolitan Boston Transportation Authority (MBTA) installed a new third-rail system on portions of the Orange Line of Boston’s “T,” as locals call the local subway/light-rail system.  Some sections of the new third rail were to be on the surface, where local residents feared children might easily come into contact with the electrified third rail, as prominently discussed in a nearly half-page spread on page three of the Boston Globe.


“If you’re five and you drop a ball, you don’t care how dangerous it is, you just want your ball.  There are so many kids around here . . . it’s always a temptation to hop freights.”

Boston Globe, July 12, 1974, page 3.

Two days later, longtime Boston politician Billy Bulger (the younger brother of mob-boss Whitey Bulger) commented on the fund-raising propensity of other politicians using a less macabre “third rail” metaphor; a pun on the sense of “touch,” meaning to ask for money. 

Bulger takes pride in his sense of reality.  His wit is grounded in reality.  His sharpest bargbs are reserved for fellow politicians.  At a crowded fund-raiser for one colleague, he said: “My, they put the touch on everything but the third rail.”

Boston Globe, July 14, 1974, page 48.[iv]

A few months later, the Boston Globe imagined Governor Michael Dukakis throwing MBTA bureaucrats across the third rail if delayed on his daily commute.  The Governor, who fancied himself a “man of the people,” had suggested that he would ride the T to work.  In response, the management of the MBTA reportedly leaked purported cost-estimates of his daily commute, making his plans seem cost-prohibitive. 

A columnist for the Globe suggested that cost estimates were intentionally inflated and misleading, planted to deter the Governor from riding the T and learning first-hand how poorly the train system was being run.

His Excellency, if delayed, might just get mad enough to throw a few offending executives across the third rail.

As a private citizen, Dukakis could only complain like any other rider.  Now he can get answers, or else.

Boston Globe, November 21, 1974, page 18.

Boston Globecolumnist, Mike Barnicle, used touching the “third rail” as a metaphor for suicide several times during the late-1970s.  The earliest example was non-political; the latter two, political. 

When the favored horse in a horse race broke its leg during a race, Barnicle imagined hundreds of disappointed bettors “looking for the third rail with old pari-mutuel tickets in their hands – all the tickets marked with the number 8.”[v]

In 1977, in the wake of Governor Dukakis’ no-fault insurance reforms, one angry constituent received an insurance bill larger than the book-value of his six-year-old car.  This time, Governor Dukakis was to be the recipient of the punishment, instead of meting it out.

Charlie Fogarty, upon receipt of his 1977 automobile insurance bill, became obsessed with one strong desire . . . to place the tongue of one Michael Dukakis on the third railof the Green Line.

Boston Globe, April 12, 1977, page 21.

A week later, Mike Barnicle commented on how reactions to promises of property tax reform might differ according to the economic status of the neighborhood.  He used language that echoed a much earlier “third rail” idiom (more on that later).

If you tell voters in Sudbury that a vote for your candidate is a vote for lowering property taxes, they want so desperately to believe it that the vote is almost always a sure thing.  Go to parts of any city and start talking about the property tax and people will tell you to go kiss the third rail.

Boston Globe, September 6, 1978, page 2.

A later Boston-area example, from a failed mayoral candidate in 1979, is more ambiguous; it is unclear whether it refers to having “touched” a lot of donors for money, or having addressed all but the most dangerous issues during the campaign.

“I worked very hard . . . I don’t know what else could have done.  I touched everything except the third rail.  If it didn’t work, it didn’t work.

Boston Globe, September 26, 1979, page 24.

Three years later, Kirk O’Donnell put it all together on a national stage and in a more memorable form.  He may have coined the expression in based on his own experiences, or he may have been influenced, at least in part, on the regular (if infrequent) use of third-rail metaphors in the Boston-area press over the previous seven years.

He may also have been influenced by the Boston-area punk-rock scene.  When the new, high-energy, “dangerous” musical genre first gained notoriety in the mid-1970s, “The Third Rail” was one of the best-known early punk bands in Boston.[vi] 

“The Third Rail” first performed in Boston in about 1975.[vii]  In keeping with the dangerous title, their lead singer Richard Nolan supported himself between gigs as a licensed undertaker.

Boston Globe, August 29, 1976, page A9.

Richard Nolan was also a pretty good judge of talent, if over-optimistic of the prospects for Boston bands.  In an interview in 1976, Dolan listed eleven Boston-area bands and eleven New York-based bands he thought might someday achieve widespread commercial success.  The eleven New York bands, described in the article as “hardly household names,” included the New York Dolls, Patti Smith, the Talkin’ Heads (spelled with the apostrophe), Blondie and the Ramones.[viii]  The rest of the New York bands, and all of the Boston bands, didn’t fare so well.

Richard Nolan’s “Third Rail” was not the first musical act with that name in Boston.  

Boston Globe, March 26, 1904, page 12.
 
When the Vaidis Sisters, Donahue and Nichols, Ascott and Eddie, Fred Stuber and other “varietyists,” performed the “new burletta,” “The Third Rail,” in 1904, Boston’s third-rail train system was barely three years old, and an earlier “third rail” idiom had recently made its first appearance in print. 

Brooklyn Standard Union, October 5, 1921, page 6.

Rotgut Moonshine

In 1903, a “little old woman with a blue shawl over her head” dropped by the New York City District Attorney’s office with a complaint about a saloon.[ix]

“And why do you want the saloon raided?” inquired [the DA’s bodyguard] Palmer.

“Bekase,” answered the woman, “that saloon keeper is a swindler.  He charges 25 cints for a flask of whiskey that should not cost more than 10 cints. . . .  It was regular third-rail whiskey.”

“I never heard of that brand,” replied the cop.

“Then if yer didn’t ye know it now,” she said.  It ‘ud kill any one who’d touch it.”

Harrisburg Daily Independent (Pennsylvania), December 19, 1903, page 9.

“Third rail” would be used to refer to rotgut moonshine, or the like, for several decades.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), November 4, 1913, page 19.
 
Rutland Daily Herald (Rutland, Vermont), July 28, 1915, page 3.
 
The Lansing News (Lansing, Kansas), November 24, 1916, page 1.

New York Herald, July 1, 1919, page 2.


Modesto Evening News (Modesto, California), November 6, 1922, page 3.

In the 1930s, the name was also applied to various cocktails.  An advertisement from 1934 suggested a “Third Rail” contained Vermouth.



Today, recipes (easily found online) variously describe the “Third Rail” cocktail as including rum with either, Curacao, or brandy, apple brandy and anisette.  Much like a Kamikaze (vodka, triple sec and lime juice) or a Suicide Shot (tequila, rum, cognac, vodka and Tabasco sauce), the name appears calculated to suggest the potency of the drink.

If one specific vice (alcohol) might be dangerous, all vice might similarly be compared to the “third rail.”  For example, in 1914, Frances E. Miller, an associate of fiery moralist Billy Sunday (who famously couldn’t shut Chicago down), addressed 3,000 young business women and high school girls on the dangers of sin.  Sin was like an electrical third rail, it may look innocent enough, but it can also injure.


Sin is like the third rail on an electric railroad. . . . You have the overhead trolley here [in Pittsburgh], but Chicago has the third rail and for months I walked beside it and did not know any danger.  One day a friend and her husband and little child were with me and I said” ‘Let’s walk over there.  It is smoother and easier!’ 

“Woman,” the man cried, “don’t you know that is the third rail.”

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, January 26, 1914, page 7.


Kissing the Third Rail

To “kiss the third rail” appears to have been 1920s slang for death, or less literally to tell someone to get lost.  There are not very many examples in print, but its use in one of the late-1970s, Boston-area political “third rail” references suggests that it may nevertheless have survived. 

A humorous newspaper item used the same expression with a completely different meaning  in 1962.  I don’t vouch for the truth of the assertion, but the use of the identical expression suggests that may still have been in use in some capacity.

Old time wonder remedies: To cure chapped lips, according to early American backwoods lore, you kissed the third rail of a five-rail fence.

Pensacola News, August 13, 1962, page 4.

A 1919 news item reporting the invention of a new invention for testing the potency of alcoholic drinks suggests the idiom was already in use.



Enter the ehillioscope!

Bartenders who are inclined to take a chance and let regular customers have a shot of real “hooch” now and then had better keep their eyes peeled from now on or the ehillioscope will get them. . . .

It is said to be to the demon rum what the depth charge was to the U-boat.  Just dip one end into a glass of 2.75, for instance, and it will show a blue light.  For one-half of 1 percent stuff, it shows a pale yellow light, and for a shot of the third rail stuff that the B. T. passes over to his friends, it blows out a fuse and rings a bell.

The Washington Times (Washington DC), November 2, 1919, page 1.

The use of “kisses the third rail” in the headline literally applies to the machine touching the drink, but the expression is identical to one used several years later which generally referred to death.

A few years earlier, a similar expression appeared in a joke, but may be more literal than figurative, but the use of that particular construction suggests that it may already have become idiomatic.

A MAN was arrested in New Jersey while trying to kiss the deadly rail of an electric road.  Possibly he was imitating the shocking displays of affection on Atlantic City beaches.

Mexico Weekly Ledger (Mexico, Missouri), November 18, 1915, page 2.

In 1925, the expression “go kiss the third rail,” appeared in a list of current expressions.  It was not defined, but several of the other examples are playful put-downs or insults, suggesting that it might be intended to mean something like, “get lost,” or “go kill yourself.”

SLANGUAGE

“Untangle your pedals – your gears are slipping.” . . .
“Rack yourself, dumbbell.” . . .
“Hurry up, Trailer, you’re always behind.” . . .
“Go kiss the third rail.” . . .
“You look like three years ago.”

The Salt Lake Tribune, February 15, 1925, Boys and Girls Section.

The expression appeared in a story about a victim of the Times Square subway derailment of 1928, New York’s second-deadliest subway crash ever.  The context suggests that “kiss the third rail” was then a known euphemism for death. 

Jinny waited with the rush-hour crowd at the Times Square subway platform for a downtown express train.  She was on her way to her fiance’s deathbed.  He was dying of pneumonia.  She had warned him not to overexert himself with his cold, but he insisted on working overtime to earn extra money and get a raise to get their upcoming marriage off to a good start.  He assured her, “why nothing’s going to happen, Honey.”

"Why, nothing's going to happen, Honey."
 At her request, he had gone to see a doctor – it was too late.  He was now “lying in a hospital, critically ill with pneumonia.  Collapsed at his work they said.  And she was rushing to see him.”

Anxious, she leaned out over the tracks to look for an oncoming train.  A helpful stranger standing next to her pulled her back from the brink, joking that she shouldn’t lean out so far unless she “wants to kiss the third rail.”  He finds his use of the expression amusing, he “laughs at his own raillery.”  But – spoiler alert, doesn’t realize that “in a few minutes, not more than four hundred feet away, he would be ‘kissing’ that rail himself.”

The train arrives.  “Hundreds of human sardines wiggled out, hundreds more wiggled in.”

Jinny drifted with the immediate mob into the eighth car.  The doors closed. A gong clanged and echoed down the tunnel.  The small red signal lights went out.  The train moved forward; became just a twinkle of moving red and white lights from the black cavern of the tunnel.

Those who had been left behind stared after it wistfully, enviously.  But only for a little while.

A crash. . . . Sounds of grinding breaking steel. . . . Cries of terror . . . . Acrid smoke. . . . Moans. . . . More cries, all kinds of cries. . . . Clanging gongs. . . . Shrilling whistled. . . . Bedlam. . . . Those on the 5: 16 train at Times sq. on Aug. 24 were not to be envied.

Little Jinny was one of the first to be carried out of that modern version of Dante’s Inferno.  They took her to the hospital, but she died.  Perhaps, because she wanted to – to be with Dick – together. . . .

THE END.

New York Daily News, November 10, 1928, page 19.

Polishing the third rail was also dangerous. 


Evening Public Ledger (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), December 17, 1918, page 23.

But not nearly so memorable. 

The electric trolley and its overhead trolley wire, however, were memorable - and also dangerous.  The dangers of the electric trolley in 1890s Brooklyn inspired the nickname of the professional baseball team now known as the Los Angeles Dodgers; Dodgers being a shortened form of the original, "Brooklyn Trolley Dodgers."  See my earlier post, The Grim Reality of the Trolley Dodgers.



[ii]Boston Globe, August 14, 1985, page 3.
[iii]In 2007, New York Times columnist, William Saffire, traced the expression to a report to an issue of Newsweek dated one day earlier, May 24, 1982. https://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/18/magazine/18wwlnsafire.t.html?_r=0
[iv]Bulger used the same expression again in 1978. Boston Globe, August 27, 1978, page A5.
[v]Boston Globe, December 13, 1976, page 3.
[vi]At least two other musical acts, not from Boston, shared the same name.  Artie Resnik, who co-wrote the Drifters’ “Under the Boardwalk” and the Rascals’ “Good Lovin’,” scored a minor hit in 1967 with Run, Run, Run, as part of a short-lived, psychedelic bubble-gum act called “The Third Rail.”  In the early 1980s, an R&B act called “The Third Rail” performed in Chicago (a city that adopted a third rail-powered public transportation system in 1895).
[vii]“The Third Rail” played a series of 30th anniversary shows in 2005. Boston Globe, June 30, 2005, page D3.
[viii]Boston Globe, August 29, 1976, page A11. 
[ix]Boston was not the only city with a third-rail subway or rail system, so figurative use of “third rail” was not limited to and did necessarily arise in Boston.  The first electrical “third rail,” manufactured by Siemens, went into service in Berlin in 1879.  A third-rail system was installed in Baltimore in the 1880s, and they were installed in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and other smaller cities during the 1890s.  Boston’s first third-rail system went into service in 1901.  Non-electrical “third rails” are older and include third rails for cog-wheel driven trains, the slot for cable-car systems, and extra rails where trains of two-different gauges run on the same line.  But none of the non-electrical third rails presented the same kinds of danger that would later inspire the idiomatic use of “third rail.”

Why Airplanes "Taxi" - An Update

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The verb, “to taxi” meaning “to operate an aircraft on the ground under its own power (Merriam-Webster online), was derived from nearly flightless aircraft called “taxis” or “taxi-cabs.”  The verb dates to about 1911, and the name of the training aircraft to about 1909.  For a detailed early history of the word and the training aircraft, see my post, “Flight School ‘Taxis’ – a History and Etymology of ‘to Taxi’ (like an Airplane).” 

When I wrote the earlier post, although it seemed clear that the verb was derived from the trainer, it wasn’t clear precisely why the trainer was called a “taxi” in the first place.  The traditional theory, that the verb was an “allusion to the way a taxi driver slowly cruises when looking for fares,”[i]is problematic. 

The words “taxi” and “taxicab” were themselves only a couple years old, so there was no well-established tradition of taxis cruising for fares.  And speed limits in cities where taxicabs might be hailed were typically ten to fifteen miles per hour, so “slowly” cruising wouldn’t really stand out all that much.  And in any case, what was considered “slow” then and “slow” now are two different things.  Automobiles, even ones obeying a ten mile-per-hour speed limit, were still relatively rare, novel and faster than anything that had ever even been on the street a decade or so earlier.  For a more detailed history of taxicabs, see my post, “Taximeter, Taximeter, Uber Alles – a History of the Taxicab.”


Flight, Volume 1, Number 51, December 18, 1909, page 812.

A description of flight schools at Mourmelon France in 1910 may shed some light on why their flight trainers were called taxis.  It may be related, at least in part, to the fact that the instructors took backseat passengers on rides for a fee, much like a taxicab would carry passengers for a fare. 




In paradoxical France, where, clinging to the old tenderly, they embark at the same time with most ardor on the new, men are at present taught to fly as they are taught in a ring to stick on a horse, or, at an earlier age, that two times two make four.

The time seems approaching when we shall all want to learn to use the flying machines, so that a glance at this School of Flying, which is situated at Mourmelon, near Reims, will interest.

To matriculate into the flying school is easy.  There are no difficult examinations, no vexing formalities.  You simply make a call on the Farman Freres . . . ; or on the Voisin Brothers . . .; or on M. Bleriot, or any other constructor of wings whose artificial bird you fancy.  And upon the polished mahogany table of said Farmans, Voisins, or Bleriots, you plank down modestly twenty-eight thousand francs. . . .  In return you get a smile, a receipt, a contract promising to deliver to you some time in the future a finished biplane or monoplane, and an agreement to teach you how to use it.  Upon which you are a matriculated and regular student of the flying school.  A flying freshman, in other words. . . .

After practice with the levers on a stationary dummy for a week or so, then comes the glorious day on which the freshman aviator is taken for a ride on the taxi-cab.

A winged taxi-cab!  Each of the schools has one.  It is an old and underpowered flying machine upon which the pupils can practice.  It has two seats, from each of which the levers can be worked; so that in the first attempts the master-pilot (the professor) can go up with the pupil.  The Voisin taxi-cab is so under-powered that the pupil mostly rolls about, taking now and then a little bound.  The Farman taxicabrises a bit more, but not much.  The Antoinette is full-powered, and flies as high as is demanded; but it is so arranged as to make impossible more than two turns of the great track, thus bringing back home any over-enthusiastic and vagrant-minded young student.  As for the delicate and fragile Bleriot, it is not built for two.  The pupil must go in it alone from the first.  But the tail of his big white moth is strapped down so that he cannot rise, and he must be content to run around and around, like an agitated chicken with its head chopped off.

At first the pupil is taken on the taxi-cab as a passenger.  Perched on the back seat, he has before him and under his eyes the master-pilot; he observes closely his manipulations while they make two or three turns, rolling and flying low.  At the second lesson, the pupil is allowed to place his hand gingerly above the master-pilot’s, on the lever of depth and lateral stability, thus sensing the movements.  He is then placed upon the front seat and given the rudder of direction.  They fly thus, master and pupil, the latter responsible for the direction, the former keeping to himself the more delicate and dangerous lever which decides the rise and fall and the lateral balance.

Thus, step by step, the pupil is entrusted with more and more of the manoevres, till he is left master of two directions, and finally of all three – the right and left, the up and down, the lateral balance (obtained by bending down one wing or the other, or small additional winglets at the ends of the planes).  He is then given the freedom of the taxi-cab.  He mounts it alone, master of all its directions – and caprices.  But for a period, the length of which depends on the man, he will roll around and around without rising from the ground.  Then some day he will hop up a few feet, come down, hop up again and stay a little longer, hop up and fly perhaps two hundred yards – and dream of it all night in his little bed, waiting for the next day’s dawn, and the ten-mile flights of the near future. – London Opinion.

The Province(Vancouver, British Columbia), September 17, 1910, page 18.

Because these “taxis” mostly stayed on the ground, the movement of planes on the ground became associated with the “taxis” and the act of moving airplanes on the ground became known as “taxiing.”

Several straight flights were undertaken by Paterson with the pupil Driver as passenger in a 25 mile an hour wind. To illustrate the qualified pupil, Driver took the machine over, and although he had only previously flown in a calm, he made a good flight from end to end of the ground.  On his return however things did not look so happy. . . . . [B]ut to the relief of everyone he manoeuvred cleverly, and landing near the railway embankment “taxied” the machine back to the hangars, smiling happily.

Flight, Volume 3, July 1, 1911, page 572.

The new verb did not take off immediately, but ultimately earned its wings.

It is interesting here to note that the much reprobated verb to “taxi” has official sanction.  It is a good little word, in that it is unlike any other and expresses a distinct idea, namely, that of running an aeroplane along the ground under its own power.

The Aeroplane (London), Volume 3, November 7, 1912, page 456.

The verb, “to taxi,” was finally on terra-firma– where it belongs.


Civic Pride Through Taxidermy - a Many-Pronged History of Jackalopes

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The Morning Call (Allentown, Pennsylvania), January 6, 1942, page 25.



What is it? 

A “jackalope.” 

Indigenous to the wide-open spaces in souvenir shops of the American West, “jackalopes” can also be found as invasive species on tchotchke shelves and man-cave walls worldwide.   

A portmanteau of “jackrabbit” and “antelope,” a jackalope is a stuffed jackrabbit mounted with deer or antelope antlers.  But when this photograph of a gift shipped from Kern County California to Pennsylvania was published in 1942, there was no accepted single word to describe it. 

Despite occasional reports of such animals in the wild in newspapers across the country since at least the 1890s, they were generally referred to simply as “antlered jackrabbits,” “horned jackrabbits,” or similarly bland, descriptive phrases.  Early attempts (1930) to coin a more expressive name, “boop-oop-o-doopdeer” or “whatizzitt,” never quite caught on. 

The earliest accounts of horned or antlered jackrabbits were likely legitimate sightings of actual jackrabbits suffering from wart-like, viral growths, now known as the Shope papilloma virus.  Readers, however, frequently misunderstood the reports, believing them to be a genuine new or unknown species, or dismissed as the drunken hallucinations of hunters on a bender, or outright fabrications.  The absence of photographic or physical evidence and rarity of the condition prolonged the confusion. 

But by the early 1930s, creative taxidermists had taken matters into their own hand, stuffing the void with natural-looking fakes.  While it may be impossible to determine with certainty who made the first one, the Herrick brothers of Douglas, Wyoming generally get credit.  The brothers, they say, made their first one in 1939 (or 1934 or 1932, depending on the source).  But the evidence is thin, sometimes contradictory, and the date hard to pin down. 

Other sources suggest similar fakes were made elsewhere even earlier.  It’s possible that different people, in different places and at different times, independently mounted antlers on jackrabbits to mimic the horned or antlered jackrabbits regularly described in press reports over many decades.  The earliest-known contemporaneous report of an antlered jackrabbit hunting trophy on display was at a ticket office of the Northern Pacific Railroad in St. Paul, Minnesota in 1932.  And reports made decades after the fact suggest they may have existed during the 1920s, and perhaps as early as 1912.   

But it took a Presidential whistle-stop tour through Wyoming in 1950, and a concerted effort of civic self-promotion by the Chamber of Commerce of Douglas, Wyoming to finally give the unforgettable creature an unforgettable name – the “jackalope,” and give it the national attention it deserves.   Later attempts to coin alternate names, “antelabbit” or “sarabideer” (saber-toothed rabbit-deer), did not make any inroads.  “Jackalope” was here to stay. 

Douglas, Wyoming was not the first western town to use fake-taxidermy to promote the town.  Whitefish, Montana did something nearly identical with “fur-bearing fish” in the mid-1920s, right down to a pair of taxidermists who made the first examples.  A widely publicized faux-fish feud between Whitefish and the upstart Salida, Colorado, who later claimed to be the home of the “fur-bearing fish,” kept the fish in the limelight during the 1940s, which would have given Douglas ample opportunity to become familiar with the concept.

And if Douglas, Wyoming was inspired by Whitefish, Montana, Whitefish Montana was likely inspired by nearby Glacier National Park and the Great Northern Railway that brought visitors to the park.  Beginning in 1911, the year after it was established, the park and railway brought attention to the park with tall-tales of fabulous creatures like the “Wimpuss” and fur-bearing “polar trout,” and fantastic geologic features like a subterranean connection between its lakes and the Arctic Ocean, and a “Bourbon Spring,” in the middle of a field of mint, perfect for mint juleps chilled with glacial ice.  Images of the “Wimpuss” were distributed in photo-albums distributed throughout the park, and a fake-taxidermy specimen of a “Wimpuss” hung on the wall of the park’s hotel lobby.


A Natural History of the Jackrabbits with Horns

Reports of jackrabbits with horns or antlers first appeared in great numbers in Kansas, Texas and other states of the Great Plains and American Southwest in the 1890s.

Bill Spencer killed two horned jack-rabbits the other day.  One of them had four horns, two on each side of its head.  The other had but one horn which proceeded from near the end of its nose, like the horn of a one-horned rhinoceros.  The horns were of perfect structure and about three inches in length.  We only regret that they could not have been captured alive.

Ness County News (Ness City, Kansas), February 13, 1892, page 4.


Herbert Cook shot the other day in the timber on the Sioux river a cotton-tail rabbit which was a decided curiosity. 

It had antlers like a deer.  The main horns were about an inch long and on each a prong had started, one side being considerably larger than the other.  The antlers were located near the base of the ear.

Star Tribune(Minneapolis, Minnesota), January 30, 1900, page 5.

Although not fully understood at the time, many (if not most) of these reports were likely genuine sightings of jackrabbits with horny growths caused by a virus; growths which, if they grow from the top of the head, sometimes look a lot like antlers or horns, although generally more irregular and asymmetrical.  Many of the descriptions are consistent with the viral growths.

Arizona Republic (Phoenix, Arizona), April 27, 1927, page 17.

Although eyewitnesses may have understood that the horny growths were not really like horns or antlers, readers were left to their imagination.  With frequent repetition and recirculation, and generally without photographic support, the reports morphed into something slightly more fantastic, and ultimately unbelievable.  As a result, the familiar reports of “horned” or “antlered” jackrabbits would frequently be dismissed as a joke or as the drunken rambling of hunters off on a bender.

By the time that fourteen-mile-lake in Barton county gets filled with water Kansas will begin to grow sea searpent stories, too.  They will be appreciated.  The horned jackrabbit story is becoming sadly frayed.

Dodge City Globe (Dodge City, Kansas), February 2, 1899, page 2.

A Jackrabbit with five horns has been seen out in Pratt county, Kan.  And Kansas, as everybody knows, is a prohibition state.

Edgerton Journal (Edgerton, Kansas), March 22, 1907, page 2.


“I think I’ll go in for hunting, my dear,” said Mr. Sudden-Wealth.  “I hear there’s excellent rabbit shooting in these parts.”

“Do so by all means.  Hunting is aristocratic.  And some antlers will look well in the front hall.

Courier-Journal(Louisville, Kentucky), January 27, 1919, page 6.

In 1930, a hunter’s mistake and perhaps some sloppy editing of the initial report of the event, prompted reports of a rabbit with antlers in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, with calls to hunt it down, stuff it and put it on display.

[D]id you know we had a new kind of animal in the upper peninsula? Hunting it will further complicate the dangers of the deer hunting season.  Won’t be at all surprised to have the AP devote a column to this boop-oop-o-doopdeer or whatizzit.  The first mention of the queer animal appeared in an editorial in a newspaper of the peninsula.  Here is the quotation:

“In his excitement, he had mistaken her for a rabbit and pulled the trigger – not waiting to see the antlers.”

If you see a rabbit with antlers running around in the woods, don’t you do a thing but hike to the nearest telephone and call up this office so we can send out a hunting party to bring in the boop-oop-o-doopdeer for the conservation department’s wild-animals-we-have-known exhibit at the Marquette county fair next year.

The Ironwood Times (Ironwood, Michigan), November 28, 1930, page 8.

An innocent reading of the report is that the rabbit hunter accidentally shot a deer, shooting before making sure it was a rabbit – “not waiting to see the antlers [which would have shown it was a deer].” A more ridiculous reading of the passage suggests a deer hunter accidentally shot a rabbit without ensuring it was a deer – “not waiting to see the antlers [which would have shown it was a deer].”  In either case, the report is ambiguous, giving rise to the inference that the hunter believed rabbits had antlers or had seen rabbits with antlers.

Another newspaper published what appears to be an alternate version of the Michigan story, only this time in Minnesota and garbled by several layers of miscommunication as in a game of “telephone.”  

Rabbits with deer antlers have been seen by Minnesota hunters who, if their liquid ammunition holds out, will be chased up trees by squirrels with giraffe necks and elephant trunks.

South Bend Tribune (Indiana), December 8, 1931, page 6.


An Unnatural History of “Jackalopes”

With decades of reported sightings, perhaps it was inevitable that someone, somewhere, sometime would create a lifelike model.  It’s not entirely who did it first or where, but there are several candidates.  Conventional wisdom holds that the Herrick Brothers of Douglas, Wyoming did it in 1939, or 1934 or 1932, but there are other candidates.

A rare, early photograph of something like a jackalope, said to have been captured and mounted near San Benito, Texas, was reprinted in newspapers across the country in late-1912 and into 1913.

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Pennsylvania), December 15, 1912, page 7.
 
Although it’s possible that this was an actual virus-inflicted jackrabbit, nearly four decades later, a man from Canada claimed to have faked a photograph and story of an antlered jackrabbit that “got around all over America” years earlier.  The report said it had happened “25 years ago,” which would date it to 1921.  But the only such viral image an exhaustive search for early jackalopes has uncovered is the one pictured above, from 1912.  If his story is true, and if the date given was just a general recollection off by a few years, John Reid of Princeton, Ontario may have made the earliest known “jackalope.”

John Reid, of Princeton (Ontario), is hale and hearty at 87 years, because he has been sustained during the years by a pretty good sense of humor.  Out of the village comes the story of how he whittled down and sharpened a pair of deer spikes and stuck them into the head of a big jack rabbit he shot 25 years ago.  He suspended the rabbit well enough for a good picture.  How that story got around all over America! An antlered jack rabbit, forsooth!

Ottawa Journal(Ontario), February 13, 1946, page 8.

Another antlered jackrabbit reportedly hung on the wall of a restaurant in Livingston, Montana as early as 1928.  Again, the dates might be off, and the animal might actually have been diseased, but then again, it might refer to an early example of a stuffed “jackalope.”



An antlered rabbit, snapped by amateur photographers for two decades, is in the possession of a thief. 

An unknown collector stole the mounted animal from a local restaurant.  The owner swears the rabbit, with horns like deer antlers, was shot by a woodsman in the Hellroaring country after its horns snagged in brush.

The Independent-Record (Helena, Montana), July 24, 1948, page 2.

Given that “jackalopes” are so unbelievable, it seems fitting that the earliest, contemporaneous reference to a “jackalope” hunting trophy on display was submitted as a local entry to a national Ripley’s Believe it or Not contest. 

Rabbit With Antlers

Caroline Heft . . . makes note of something thousands of people must have seen: “In April, 1932, there was on display in the window of the N. P. [(Northern Pacific)] railroad ticket office, St. Paul, a snow shoe rabbit with beautiful little antlers about six inches long, each antler had two prongs.  A clerk in the office informed me this freak had been captured out in Idaho.”

The Minneapolis Star Tribune, May 13, 1932, page 8.

The year 1932 is a critical date in the history of the “Jackalope.”  It’s the jumping off point for determining whether the Herrick brothers, Douglas and Ralph, could have invented the “jackalope” in 1932, as claimed. 

Discounting the earlier claims that were made decades later, is it possible that the Herricks made a “jackalope” in 1932 that inspired the one in the St. Paul railroad ticket office in April 1932?  By the Herrick’s own admission, it couldn’t be the same “jackalope,” because they claim to have sold their first “jackalope” to the LaBonte Hotel in Douglas.

Let’s look at the facts.  In April 1932, the older of the two Herrick brothers, Douglas, was 11 years old, three months shy of his twelfth birthday in July.[i]  His younger brother, Ralph, would most likely have been 8 years old, or at most a month or two past his ninth birthday.[ii] 

In 1977, the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times separately reported the year of the Herricks’ first “jackalope” as 1934.  But a more local newspaper, The Casper Star-Tribune, located fifty-five miles down I-25 from Douglas, reported the year as 1939 on numerous occasions, beginning as early as 1992.  And when the Wyoming state legislature considered naming the “jackalope” that state’s “official mythical animal” in 2005 (the bill died in committee), they listed 1939 as the year of origin.

It was only Ralph Herrick who “insisted” after his brother’s death in 2003 that it happened in 1932.[iii]  On balance, the evidence suggests they were likely not the first, but it’s not impossible.  It is as possible as an 11-year-old and an 8-year-old making a fake hunting trophy sometime during the first three months of 1932.  But that’s not to say they didn’t create their own “jackalope” independently, as others seem to have done elsewhere.

And if the Herricks made the first one in Douglas, Wyoming, they likely played a leading role in popularizing the “jackalope,” perhaps inspiring the town of Douglas to usher their “jackalopes” into national prominence in the wake of a Presidential visit to the region by Harry S. Truman in 1950.

The Chamber of Commerce of Douglas, Wyoming might also have been inspired by the Chamber of Commerce of Whitefish, Montana, who for decades had famously promoted their town with a fake-taxidermy of fur-bearing fish, which had coincidentally been made by a different set of taxidermist brothers. 

And Whitefish, Montana, in turn, was likely inspired by nearby Glacier National Park and the Great Northern Railway, who had both promoted tourism to the park with tall-tales of “wimpusses” and “polar trout” and their own of fake-taxidermy.


Fur-Bearing Fish

The earliest fur-bearing fish reference in Montana is a play on the arguably ambiguous wording of a proposed wildlife management bill for the protection of “fur-bearing animals and fish.”




The bill introduced in the house by Boardman of Deer Lodge, providing for the better protection of fur-bearing animals and fish, relates to a subject that may very properly receive legislative attention.  During the past years the destruction has been immense, and in consequence of this wanton slaughter fur-bearing fish are already almost unknown in the sparkling brooks of Montana.  But proper legislative measures can easily correct this abuse, and then the toothsome “pike,” the broad shouldered “sheephead” and estimable “sucker” will cherish beneath their shaggy sides, deep in their heart of hearts, a well spring of gratitude for their noble protectors in the Montana legislature.

Butte Miner(Butte, Montana), February 1, 1911, page 4.

The joke may have been a one-off.  There was no claim (real or humorous) that they actually existed, and there is no evidence of any local fur-bearing fish legends or traditions there until decades later, when separate, unrelated reports “polar trout” were combined to form the legend of the fur-bearing fish of Iceberg Lake.

In June of 1913, newspapers across the country published the astonishing claim that so-called “polar trout,” previously known to have existed only in the Arctic Ocean, had been found in Iceberg Lake in America’s newest National Park.  There was only one possible explanation (cue eye-roll) – a subterranean connection between the park and the Arctic Ocean. 

Oakland Tribune (California), June 1, 1913, page 40.

A few months later, newspapers across the country published a fake-news item about the return of a purported explorer named John Bunker, who had recently returned from Greenland with stories and actual specimens furry “polar trout,” but it was likely pure bunk.




Polar trout, the only fur-bearing fish known to natural history, is the latest contribution of the arctic regions, according to John Bunker of Northwood Center, N. H., known as the Isaac Walton of that state, who today reached Boston from a two months’ exploring trip in Greenland.  He brought photographs and actual specimens of the strange fish, which he has called the polar trout.

. . . The skin is covered with a fine brownish fur, resembling the texture of moleskin.  This fur is slightly spotted with white, as is a young seal in the spring.  Bunker says this fact first led him to call the curiosity a polar trout.

Inter-Ocean(Chicago, Illinois), October 20, 1913, page 5.

Six months later, a travel writer appears to have conflated the two stories into a new rumor – fur-bearing fish, like the ones previously reported from Greenland, could also be found in Iceberg Lake.  The discovery was attributed to “Hoke Smith,” but was it merely a hoax?

Iceberg Lake is the habitat of the polar trout discovered by Hoke Smith, who says they have fur instead of scales.

Norton Courier(Norton, Kansas), March 19, 1914, page 7.

The report came from a full-page travelogue and photo essay of Glacier National Park that appeared in dozens of newspapers across the country.  The story, “Among the Glaciers,” was written by a man named Frederick William Pickard, “expert fisherman,” Vice President of DuPont,and author of several serious fishing guides,[iv]not by someone generally prone to flights of fancy.  The comment appeared as a casual aside, tucked in between descriptions of the new automobile road and the Glacier Park Hotel, and with no apparent skepticism or curiosity.

It is not clear whether Pickard conflated the two stories on purpose, or whether the stories had already been combined by others, and he was just repeating something he had heard in the park.  But he almost certainly did not swallow the story hook-line-and-sinker.  Anyone visiting the park in 1914 would have been regaled with all sorts of silly stories about the “natural history” of the park, most of them coming (or attributed to) the same man.

The “polar trout” hoax of 1913 was only one of several unbelievably strange “discoveries” in the park attributed to wordsmith and press agent, “Hoke Smith,” a hoax-smith extraordinaire, even if by any other name.[v] Three years before the first fur-bearing fish stories from the park, he was credited with discovering the “Wimpuss” (good eating in-season, but only if killed properly – by making them laugh themselves to death) and the “Bourbon Springs” (formed by acres of corn trapped underground after an earthquake in 2435 BC, distilled underground by a hot water geyser, and aged four thousand years, before bubbling to the surface in the middle of field of mint – makes for good mint juleps chilled with glacial ice).

Park management, the hotel owner and the Great Northern Railway, which brought visitors to the park, all embraced these freshly minted legends as elements of their marketing plans. 

The Glacier Hotel hosted a “grass dance” in October 1911, “one of the features being the discovery of ‘Bourbon spring’ in the center mint bed.  The spring was surrounded by small pine trees and mint juleps cooled by glacier ice were served.  While it was not possible to capture a live wampus, the party are all in favor of coming again for this purpose.”[vi]

Picture books placed prominently in the “lounging tents of all the camps” for viewing by the guests included “an article on the ‘Wimpus’” and a “clever sketch by a Chicago writer and has flattering reference to Hoke Smith, one of the Great Northern’s publicity men.”[vii]  Presumably, the “clever sketch” was the one that appeared alongside Richard Henry Little’s original “Wimpuss” story in the Chicago Tribune.

Chicago Tribune, August 11, 1911, page 6.

The hotel also kept a fake-taxidermy, stuffed “Wimpuss” on the wall above the newsstand in the lobby.

The walls are adorned with trophies of the chase . . . as well as . . . the only existing specimen of the far-famed “wimpus” of Glacier National Park.

. . . Would you believe there are wimpus believers!  A model of this creature occupies a conspicuous place over the newsstand in Glacier Park Hotel.  Close observation and careful study of th external appearance of the animal show it to be a mixture of fish, monkey, reptile, cat, spider, and bat.

Mathilde Edith Holtz, Glacier national Park, Its Trails and Treasures, New York, George H. Doran Company, 1917, pages 34, 170.

Purple Parrot, Northwestern University, Volume 4, Number 7, April 1924, page 5.

While the “Wimpuss” and “Bourbon Springs” received occasional mentions in the press over the following decade, the furry “polar trout” faded into relative obscurity.  That would change in 1925.




Fire Chief Collins has returned from the convention of Montana firemen, held at Whitefish last week, enthusiastic over the reception tendered to the visitors, and with a fish story that would make Isaac Walton reach for a gun.  Irvin S. Cobb, famous humorist, who is vacationing in Glacier National park, was seated next to Chief Collins at a banquet where the insult to the finny tribe was perpetuated and is now preparing to tell the world of the “fur-bearing fish.”

. . .
The toastmaster announced that after much labor an entirely new specimen of the underwater wiggler had been produced and brought from under the table a large glass jar containing a fish about a foot long, completely covered with, what was beyond a doubt, a wonderful coat of fur.  It was explained that the fish could live only on an island and that the citizens of Whitefish had built an island in Whitefish lake to accommodate the new species.  The one difficulty that could not be overcome was the fact that the fur-bearing fish had a peculiar digestive system and could exist on nothing but ice worms.

According to Chief Collings, it was more than a quarter of an hour before the guests, including Cobb, were wise to the fact that a clever taxidermist had slipped a speckled trout into a gopher’s hide, and added that Cobb then and there started to “dope out a story.”

The Anaconda Standard (Anaconda, Montana), June 30, 1925, page 8.

The initial report did not disclose the name of the “discoverer,” but one year later, a Montana newspaper gave credit to the Chief Dispatcher of the Whitefish office of the Great Northern Railway.

Great Falls Tribune (Great Falls, Montana), August 18, 1926, page 4.
Decades later however (as was the case with the jackalope), two taxidermist brothers claimed to have invented the fur-bearing fish.

It lived in iceberg lake in the Montana Rockies.  It had a fur coat instead of scales to protect it from the burning cold of the lake.  It hunted fat ice worms for dinner, and the men who fished for it had to heat their hooks first.  It often exploded, once landed, just from the sudden change in temperature. 

That fish was one of the minor national preoccupations of its time.  The new streaked across the country, and scientists gave out statements. . . .

The fur-bearing trout was though up by two brothers, taxidermists in Whitefish – C. H. and S. A. Karstetter, who still practice their art here.[viii]

It was a local gag for a while.  The late R. E. Marble of Whitefish took a picture of the oddity. 

The Billings Gazette (Billings, Montana), July 4, 1942, page 7.

 
R. E. Marble’s postcard of Hicken’s Fur Bearing Trout.  Examples can still be found in online auctions from time to time.  This example bore a postmark dated 1928.

In 1930, one local businessman sent what might have been an identical copy of this same postcard to a friend in Baltimore. 


The water in this lake is so cold that nature has taken care of her own by providing the fish with a thick coat of fur, the letter said.  In fact, the water is so cold, Mr. Jackson writes, that it is beyond the freezing point.

The Evening Sun(Baltimore, Maryland), November 26, 1930, page 6.

And in addition to the postcards, locals occasionally presented various stuffed-shirts with their own stuffed “fur-bearing fish.”

Whitefish, May 17. – (Special) – Roy. N. Arnold, city water commissioner . . .  had the honor of presenting a mounted specimen of the renowned fur-bearing fish to the president of the National Waterworks association who was in attendance at the meeting. 

The Missoulian(Missoula, Montana), May 18, 1938, page 5.

James E. Murray, United State Senator from Montana, showing off his “mounted furry fish.”  Great Falls Tribune, July 4, 1942, page 3.

 Another article clarified the origin of the fish, splitting the difference, giving credit to everyone involved for their respective contributions, including to the Whitefish Chamber of Commerce.

Whitefish, Jan. 25. (Special) – The famous fur-bearing fish, invented by the late James Hicken, Great Northern dispatcher, built by Karstetter Bros., photographed by the late R. E. Marble and publicized by the Whitefish Chamber of Commerce, is the basis for the fourth annual contest in business letter writing sponsored by the Business Education World, a professional journal for teachers of business subjects.

Great Falls Tribune (Great Falls, Montana), January 26, 1941, page 7.

But as “famous” as Whitefish had become as the home of the “fur-bearing fish,” there were other rivals to the title. 

In 1937, a purported catch in Missouri briefly caught the public’s eye.

The fish resembles a trout in every respect except that it has a rich coat of fur completely covering its body in longitudinal stripes, brown and gray-yellow, much on the order of a chipmunk.  The stripes run from snout to tail.

Orlando Evening Star (Orlando, Florida), October 29, 1937, page 9.

William LaVarre debunked the Missouri fish in his syndicated column, “Seeing’s Believing!” where he published “photographic proof” sent to him by the purported discoverer.  The fur, he said, was from a chipmunk.

The Indianapolis Star (Indiana), January 9, 1938, Gravure Section, page 3.



About one year later, similar stories popped up about “fur-bearing fish” in the Arkansas River in Colorado.  It was no ordinary fish.  And the man responsible was no ordinary faker; he was a convicted pyramid scheme fraudster, recently pardoned by President Roosevelt and reinventing himself as publicity agent for the Chamber of Commerce of Salida, Colorado.


SALIDA, Colo. – Wilbur B. Foshay, who in 1928, headed a 22-million-dollar utilities empire, is working these days for the people who got him out of jail. And doing a good job, too.

As the super-salesman manager of this citys Chamber of Commerce . . . the 57-year-old Foshay is one of Salida’s most admired citizens. . . .

The Dothan Eagle (Dothan, Alabama), February 28, 1939, page 10.

Wilbur Foshay’s last name is familiar to residents of Minneapolis, where the Foshay Tower is still a prominent feature of the skyline.  But whereas his tower still stands, his fortunes sank.  His crimes, related to financial schemes that crashed with the stock market in 1929, were precisely the sorts of financial dealings that helped bring about the crash. 

Others lost their shirts, but Foshay lost his freedom.  He was sentenced to 15 years in prison, serving only three years, after Roosevelt reduced his sentence by five years, with another two off for good behavior.

Foshay’s first big success was his popular “Follow the Hearts to Salid” campaign.


“Follow the Hearts to Salida,” image courtesy of the 

 His second big success involved a different type of bathing beauty, one dressed for cold weather.





Tourists and tenderfeet from the effete East have been regaled frequently with the tale of fur-bearing trout that were indigenous to the waters of the Arkansas River.

Recently, a resident of Pratt, Kan., wrote to city officials here urgently requesting proof of the story of the unusual fish.

The letter was turned over to Wilbur b. Foshay, secretary of the Salida Chamber of Commerce.

Without definitely committing himself – in a letter – as to the truth of the existence of pelted piscatorial prizes in Arkansas, Foshay simply mailed the inquirer a photograph of a fur-bearing trout.

Oldtimers in the region aver these fabled fish were numerous hereabouts at one time, but that they are rapidly nearing extinction.

Orlando Sentinel (Florida), December 4, 1938, page 11.
                                  
Efforts to prove or disprove the rumor were frustrated by law – according to Foshay.

Furry fin-flippers, Foshay said in a letter . . ., can be caught only in January – when fishing is not permitted in Colorado streams.

Nevada State Journal, January 10, 1939, page 1.

Years later, similar restrictions on Douglas, Wyoming’s “Jackalope Hunting License” prevented would-be jackalope hunters from bagging their own in the wild; the license restricts hunting to June 31, between sunrise and sunset.

Not everyone took the claims of fur-bearing fish in Salida seriously.

“Fur-bearing Fish Found in Colorado.” – Headline.

Old stuff, according to Elmer Twitchell, the famous piscatorial expert.  “I found fur-bearing fish years ago,” he declares.  “In fact, I bred ‘em for the pelts.  Know what killed the business?”

“No,” we replied.

“Moth-fish,” replied Elmer.

The Record (Hackensack, New Jersey), January 26, 1939, page 8.

The head of the bureau of fisheries aquarium in Washington DC, on the other hand, waded into the debate with perhaps too much seriousness, throwing a big wet rag over the story.

“This is the season for fur-bearing fish, and naturally so,” said the fisheries official.  “The fur, however, isn’t fur, but fungus.”

The Evening Times (Sayre, Pennsylvania), January 13, 1939, page 7.

The head of the bureau of fisheries was not the only person to take the stories seriously. Dorothy A. Johnson, a former resident of Whitefish, Montana then living in New York City and working as a freelance writer and editor of for a publishing company,[ix]“blew her top” when first reading about them.

Defending the good name of Whitefish as the authentic habitat of the authentic fish.  I challenged the Salida man, Wilbur Foshay to a duel “on the second Tuesday of any week in 1989” and named as my seconds (without consulting them) Fiorello LaGuardia, mayor of New York, and Joe Louis.

Great Falls Tribune (Montana), April 13, 1952, page 15.         

She also encouraged the secretary of the Whitefish Chamber of Commerce to engage in an extended letter-writing war with Foshay (with carbon copies to Johnson).  The effort was successful, extracting a retraction from Foshay and establishing a brief truce. 

Everything was fine until she (as editor of a business education magazine) arranged for the fur-bearing fish of Whitefish, Montana to be featured as the subject of a national letter-writing contest for students.  Shortly afterward, Foshay planted Salida fur-bearing fish stories in two magazines, This Week and World Digest; she countered with a mention in the Saturday Evening Post, after which they “retired to neutral corners and growled at each other.”

In 1945, when Johnson was the editor of a women’s magazine called, The Woman, she published an article about the whole affair entitled, “The Feud of the Fur-Bearing Fish.”

Years later, when she recounted the whole affair for the Great Falls Tribune, she included a photo of her own fur-bearing fish alongside her collection of pistols, perhaps sending Foshay one last, subliminal message about their feud.

Great Falls Tribune (Montana), April 13, 1952, page 2.

As compelling as the fish feud may have been, it was not her best work.  At least three of her stories were adapted as screenplays for three classic Westerns, The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, starring Jimmy Stewart, The Hanging Tree, starring Gary Cooper, and A Man Called Horse, starring Richard Harris.

In 1913, a press agent for the Great Northern Railroad reported “polar trout” in Iceberg Lake, trout later said to be fur-bearing.  In 1925, two taxidermists and a dispatcher for the Great Northern Railway created a physical model of a “fur-bearing fish.”  In 1928, passersby saw an antlered jackrabbit in the window of a ticket agent for the Northern Pacific Railway in St. Paul, Minnesota. 

It seems appropriate, then, that a railroad would play a role making “jackalope” the standard terminology and establishing Douglas, Wyoming as the undisputed Jackalope Capital of the World.  But it wasn’t a press agent, ticket agent or dispatcher who did it.  It was a whistle-stop tour by President Harry S. Truman.


“Jackalopes” – Douglas, Wyoming

In early 1950, officials in two western states encouraged President Truman to attend the dedication of two separate dams.  The Chamber of Commerce of Casper, Wyoming invited him to attend the dedication of the nearby Kortes Dam, then scheduled to coincide with the June meeting of the Missouri Basin Inter-Agency Committee in Casper the following June.[x]  The Bureau of Reclamation hoped to have former First Lady, Eleanor Roosevelt and President Truman at the dedication of the Grand Coulee Dam in Washington State.[xi] 

The President accepted both invitations, announcing a “non-political” trip to Grand Coulee Dam, with “whistle stops” along the way,[xii]including a stop at the Burlington Station in Casper, with a brief excursion to the dedication of Kortes Dam, now moved up to May to coincide with the President’s visit.[xiii]

The Chamber of Commerce of Douglas, Wyoming, which lies about 55 miles east of Casper, on the same Burlington rail line that would carry the President to his whistle-stop in Casper, sensed an opportunity for some national exposure.  Their own hoax-smiths took a page out of “Hoke Smith’s” book, getting the word out to politicians, journalists, hangers-on, or anyone else coming to Wyoming, that they might find something interesting to see in Douglas. 

Their press-releases followed the familiar pattern established by Whitefish, Montana; civic pride, photographs, fake-taxidermy, and an elaborate “natural history” of a mythical animal.  Whether coined for the purpose, or repeating a designation already in common use locally, the story may also be the earliest known example of the word, “jackalope,” in print.




. . . “The first white man to see this singular specimen was a trapper named Roy Ball in 1829.  When he told of it later he was promptly denounced as a liar.

“An odd trait of the jackalope is its ability to imitate the human voice.  Cowboys singing to their herds at night have been startled to hear their lonesome melodies often repeated faithfully from some nearby hillside.  The phantom echo comes from the throat of some jackalope.

“They sing only on dark nights just before a thunderstorm.  Stories that they sometimes get together and sing in chorus are discounted by those who know their traits best.”

The News(Paterson, New Jersey), March 1, 1950, page 21.

The plan seemed to work, with numerous mentions in newspapers across the country, and an editorial in The Christian Science Monitor (May 15, 1950), then one of the leading news magazines in the country, which prompted a new spate of news stories around the country.

Casper Tribune-Herald, May 21, 1950, page 6.

The Christian Science Monitor gave Truman’s “non-political” trip a political spin, imagining another kind of mixed political animal, the “donkephant” – something that today would more likely be called a RINO.

This is the general region through which President Truman has passed recently on his “nonpolitical” speaking trip.  We are waiting now for reports of political naturalists to see whether they report the presence of any donkephants in the area – that is, Republicans who were half-persuaded by folksy eloquence of the Democratic chief executive from the party of the elephant to that of the donkey.

Star-Tribune(Casper, Wyoming), May 21, 1950, page 6 (from an editorial in The Christian Science Monitor).

 
Boston Globe, June 18, 1950, page A25.

Although the level of attention to “jackalopes,” and the name itself, were new in 1950, stuffed trophies of jackrabbits with antlers had been known in Wyoming and throughout the West for years, aside from the several examples already discussed.    

A woman in Wisconsin showed off her postcard of one from her vacation in Wyoming in 1936.

Martha Cleveland, Mazomanie, has spent several summers on the Horned Jackrabbit ranch in Montana, and if you don’t believe that there is such a thing as a horned jackrabbit, she can show you the postal cards which the ranch manager keeps on hand for the guests to send out to doubting friends which show a photograph of a big jackrabbit with a pair of fine antlers sprouting out of his head just in front of his tall flopping ears.  The camera never lies, they say, but there is something very odd about that rabbit.

The Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin), July 26, 1936, page 3.

A young man in Montana stuffed and mounted his own jackrabbit with antlers in 1940.

Wayne Woodard of Roy, a young farmer boy who has been doing taxidermy work during his spare moments, is attracting attention . . . .

He displayed a jackrabbit head, with very small deer horns so cleverly placed that hunters stood in wonder when they first saw it, thinking they were looking at a new species of deer.

Great Falls Tribune (Great Falls, Montana), June     9, 1940, Sunday Magazine, page 7.
Bert Clancy, a “great nimrod” and Assistant District Attorney for Santa Fe, New Mexico, displayed one in his office in 1944.

The mounted head of a jackrabbit with horns, four inches long, hangs from the wall of his office at the country courthouse.  “Seeing is believing,” said Clancy.  “I’m not under oath and I refuse to be cross-examined.  There’s a New Mexico jackrabbit.”

The Santa Fe New Mexican, October 17, 1944, page 8.      

And a furniture dealer in Indiana had one on display in his store in 1946.

A great lover of the outdoor life, Mr. Gable has made frequent trips into the choice hunting spots in Quebec, Colorado and Wyoming. . . . His trophies, all on display in the west room of the store, include four moose heads, several deer heads, antlers, a sailfish, and a large sea turtle.  Not to be forgotten, however, and most treasured of all his trophies is a rare species of jackrabbit – with antlers!

The Muncie Star (Indiana), June 2, 1946, page 2.

“Antlered jackrabbits” had even garnered some notice in the press in central Wyoming, just down the road from Douglas, a few years earlier when Harold King, the President of the Natrona County Game and Fish Association, put one on display in Casper, Wyoming in 1946.  Comments in the article seem to suggest that jackrabbits with antlers were not yet generally well known, even in central Wyoming, and that they were not yet universally known as “jackalopes.”



Even an expert hunter cannot always believe his eyes, as the above picture indicates.  Many a Casper sportsman looked twice when the “antlered jackrabbit” appeared in a store window and caused considerable consternation among sportsmen, sportswomen and children.

Tribune-Herald(Casper, Wyoming), March 3, 1946, Annual Wyoming Edition Supplement, page 18.

Harold King also laid out an elaborate origin story, different from the one sent out by the Douglas Chamber of Commerce a few years later.  King said that the antlers were “an example of how Mother Nature tries to even up the odds among her animals,” and that the modification was of recent vintage, having developed in response to unique conditions following a cricket invasion in 1938.

The antlers provided a place for the crickets to sit besides on the long ears.  It seems that before the crickets became so thick on rabbits’ ears that they weighted them down and the rabbit couldn’t hear the coyotes sneaking up on them.

Tribune-Herald(Casper, Wyoming), March 3, 1946, Annual Wyoming Edition Supplement, page 18.

The hard-news journalists from the East who followed President Truman’s train through Douglas and Casper in 1950 somehow missed this discrepancy.  But luckily, a local reporter cleared up the confusion a year or so later.  The specimen Harold King displayed in Casper was no “jackalope,” it was a “jackrabbit with antlers,” a separate species, “possibly a cousin, 43 and ¾ times removed from the jackalope” in Douglas.[xiv] 

The same article also claimed that King’s “jackrabbit with antlers” had been on display for “15 years,” dating it to about 1936, a time when Douglas and Ralph Herrick would have been about 15 and 11 years old, respectively. 

Today, Douglas, Wyoming is the undisputed “Home of the Jackalopes.” Even if they weren’t first, it is a well-earned honor.  Not only did they put “jackalopes” on the map, “jackalopes” put them on the map (with an assist from a Presidential visit).  The center of town is called “Jackalope Square,” where you can see one of the world’s finest jackalope sculptures (although Wall Drug in Wall, South Dakota, might have something to say about that), and they are the home of an annual “Jackalope Days” festival.

The Chamber of Commerce in Van Horn, Texas tried something similar with something called the Antelabbit, but it never caught on.

Daily Mountain Eagle (Jasper, Alabama), December 18, 1958, page 16.


Epilogue

Although the Herrick brothers may not have made the original and first “jackalope” ever, they did make a lot of them, and they played an important role in “jackalope” history, which would make their first “jackalope” an important artifact.  Sadly, however, it is missing.  It suffered the same fate as the Karstetter brothers’ original, permanently mounted “fur-bearing fish” from Whitefish, Montana – it was stolen.

The “original mounted fur-bearing fish” has been stolen from Frenchy’s Chinese café here, L. G. (Frenchy) DeVall, the owner values the fish at $100.  Its value as the first of its kind cannot be estimated, he said.  The existence of fur-bearing fish has been a subject of controversy for 30 years, since the first one ever discovered was presented, to the author, Irvin S. Cobb by Jim Hicken of Whitefish when both men were initiated into the Blackfeet Indian tribe in ceremonies here. That fish was ffresh and, for course, spoiled.  Karstetter Brothers, local taxidermists, have a patent on the process of preparing the fur-bearing fish and only 12 have been mounted.  The one stolen from Mr. DeVall was the first prepared for permanent display.

Missoulian(Missoula, Montana), June 17, 1951, page 11.

The Herrick’s first “jackalope” was stolen in September 1977, shortly after attention was focused on it by an article in the Wall Street Journal in August.

[T]he original jackalope was sold 43 years ago to the late [Roy] Ball, who put it on display in his La Bonte Hotel here.  This jackalope was stolen from the hotel in September and the culprit remains at large.

“Where the Deer and the Jackalope Play,” The New York Times, November 26, 1977, page 26.


All of which just goes to show you . . .

Hair/Hare today, gone tomorrow.


Detail from the back of a matchbook cover from the LaBonte Hotel.


Links to Further reading:




[i] On the occasion of his death in 2003, Douglas Herrick’s hometown obituary gave his birth date as July 8, 1920. Casper Star-Tribune (Casper, Wyoming), January 6, 2003, page 4.
[ii] A man named Ralph Herrick was 62 years old in February 1985 when he was sentenced to one year in jail and five years of “stringent probation,” after pleading guilty to fondling a 10-year-old girl the previous summer.  When officers came to arrest him in January 1985, he held-off the police during a nine-hour standoff, threatening to blow himself up with a fake explosive. Casper Star-Tribune (Casper, Wyoming), February 21, 1985, page B1.  Given the location, low population density, and similarity of name and age, it seems likely it is the same man as the taxidermist named "Ralph Herrick." 
[iii]“Douglas Herrick, 82, Dies; Father of West’s Jackalope,” New York Times, January 19, 2003. https://www.nytimes.com/2003/01/19/us/douglas-herrick-82-dies-father-of-west-s-jackalope.html
[iv] Frederick William Pickard was originally from Portland, Maine, attended Bowdoin College (Class of 1894) and became a Vice President of DuPont.  The citation for an honorary doctorate conferred on him by his alma mater describes him as an “expert fisherman.”  He is the author of Trout Fishing in Ireland, Sixteen British Trout Rivers, and Trout Fishing in New Zealand in Wartime.
[v]The name “Hoke Smith” raised the hoax antenna of at least one amateur historian.  The name had been used for decades in punning reference to hoaxes, most commonly in association with stories involving an actual person named “Hoke Smith,” a former Secretary of the Interior and Governor of Georgia who served as a U. S. Senator from Georgia from 1911-1920.  Various references to the press-agent or newspaperman named “Hoke Smith” who is credited with devising several tall-tales about Glacier National Park, generally refer to him as being from Minneapolis or St. Paul, or as a newspaperman from Chicago.  Coincidentally, there was, in fact, a journalist from Minneapolis  named Roy “Hoke” Smith, who later wrote for the Chicago Evening Post.  It is possible that the seemingly fake name “Hoke Smith” for a wordsmith who devises hoaxes (“hoax-smith), was actually his name, or at least the nickname he used when making up fake-news stories.
[vi]Butte Miner (Butte, Montana), October 3, 1911, page 5.
[vii]Semi-Weekly Spokesman-Review (Spokane, Washington), September 15, 1912, Magazine Section, page 1.
[viii]In September 1912, the Karstetter brothers moved their taxidermy business to Whitefish, Montana from their old home in what is now the ghost town of Java, Montana (Whitefish Pilot, September 5, 1912, page 3).  They stayed in business as taxidermists and hunting guides for decades.  In 1929, they stuffed and mounted perhaps their second-most famous animal, a parachute-jumping chimpanzee that died in 1928 after his chute failed to open in a show at Great Falls, Montana. (The Independent-Record (Helena, Montana), Janaury 20, 1929, page 10).
[ix]“Witty, Gritty Taleteller: A Life of Dorothy M. Johnson,” Brian D’Ambrosio, DistlinglyMontana.com, October 4, 2017 ( http://distinctlymontana.com/node/39920).
[x]Casper Tribune-Herald, January 20, 1950, page 4.
[xi]The Semi-Weekly Spokesman-Review(Spokane, Washington), February 8, 1950, page 16.
[xii]Daily Herald  (Provo, Utah), February 24, 1950, page 16.
[xiii]Spokane Chronicle (Spokane, Washington), March 9, 1950, page 1.
[xiv]Casper Herald-Tribune, September 14, 1951, page 9.

Who’d’a “Tunk” It? - How a Yale Researcher Helped Discover that Yale Freshmen Invented Strip Poker in 1904

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“Strip poker” was invented (or at least popularized) by reports of Yale University freshmen playing the game in 1904.  Appropriately enough, a Yale researcher’s discovery of the earliest known example of “strip poker” in print (from Los Angeles in 1906) prompted the discovery of its origins two years earlier at Yale.

In October 2019, Fred Shapiro, a Yale Librarian and leading contributor to the Oxford English Dictionary,[i]posted a message on the American Dialect Society’s e-mail discussion list (ADS-L) with what is believed to be the earliest example of “strip poker” in print, from Los Angeles in 1906. 

The chorus girls of one of the last comic-opera companies which visited Los Angeles introduced the young bloods to a new fascinating game called “strip poker.”  The introductory game took place in one of the private rooms of the Bisbee Inn.

The cards are held by the young men.  The girls sit by to watch.  At the end of every hand, all the girls whose young men have lost, proceed to remove the one article of wearing apparel.

The game continues until – well, for a long time.

Los Angeles Times, February 16, 1906, page 17.

Surprisingly, perhaps, the game was not indigenous to Southern California and had no relationship to Hollywood “starlets,” moguls or casting agents, as the Hollywood film industry was not yet in existence.  The game was an import and the first local game took place at the Bisbee Inn, a “notorious”[ii]saloon in downtown Los Angeles that billed itself as the “Headquarters for Arizona folks.”[iii] 




A few years later, the Bisbee Inn changed owners and its name.  When the new owners brought in additional investors for the renamed St. George Hotel, they neglected to tell them about the building’s seedy history and reputation, which became an issue in a lawsuit.[iv]  Today, a building bearing the same name (the St. George Hotel) sits at the same address (115 E. Third Street).[v]  No word on whether strip poker is still played there.

Although “strip poker,” by that name, may have been new in Los Angeles in 1906, it was not the first time someone had played cards with clothing as the stakes. 

Shortly after Fred Shapiro posted the earliest example of “strip poker,” Garson O’Toole, the “Sherlock Holmes of quotation sleuths,”[vi]shared some references to the ADS-L, of an apparent precursor, a gambling card game called “strip tunk,” played by “co-eds” and high school students in Kalamazoo, Michigan two years earlier.


Kalamazoo co-eds are devoting their spare moments to “strip tunk” – a game similar to poker, with the main feature a gradual taking off of clothing by the loser of each hand.  The game is also played in local high school circles, and has reached such prevalence that school authorities are planning a campaign against it. . . .

In “strip tunk” the loser of each hand divests herself of one article of clothing.  After several hours the party usually resembles a garden of Eden social event.  At a recent party of which “strip tunk” was a feature the finish turned on the last articles divested – one participant wearing a union suit, the other separate garments, the union suit wearer losing by one point.

The True Northerner (Paw Paw, Michigan), May 6, 1904, page 6.

But once again, the co-eds of Kalamazoo were not the first people to play cards for clothes.  Garson O’Toole’s contribution led another researcher (you're welcome) to discover that just a few weeks earlier, newspapers across the country had carried stories about gambling for garments at Yale University.  The New York Sun gave the game by the more innocent-sounding name of “pajama poker,” but the game was the same as what would later be called “strip poker.”

PAJAMA POKER AT YALE.
Freshmen Who Lose Must Leave Their Clothes With the Winners.

New Haven, Conn., April 4. – It was learned to-day why many Yale students during recent weeks have mysteriously dashed out of Pierson Hall[vii]dormitory at all hours of the night with hardly enough clothing on to cover their limbs and disappear in a nearby building where they room.

Some of the freshmen who room in Pierson Hall have adopted a new penalty for those who lose in the poker games that are played by the freshmen.  Instead of playing for money they stake their clothes, putting so much value on each garment.  The game ends only when the first freshman has put up everything but his stockings.  There is a pajama outfit in the room that he dons and then he goes home, leaving every stitch of his clothing behind.  Next day he comes back after the clothes.

The Sun (New York), April 5, 1904, page 12.

Buffalo Evening News, April 5, 1904, page 1.



Buffalo Times, April 5, 1904, page 10.


In the following days, weeks and months, similar headlines and stories appeared in dozens of newspapers in no fewer than fourteen (of 45) states, one territory (Arizona) and the District of Columbia.  The Kalamazoo co-eds, who made their own headlines a few weeks later, may have been inspired by the notoriety of the Yale “Freshies.” 

Not to be outdone by the young students out East, the “society ladies” of Ottawa, Kansas were playing “strip euchre” a few months later.

The society ladies of Ottawa are enthusiastically playing a new game called strip-euchre.  The player takes off a stickpin, collar or other article of apparel every time she loses.  It is doubtless all right if not carried too far.

Ottawa Daily Republic (Ottawa, Kansas), August 17, 1904, page 6.

It is impossible to say how widespread the game in subsequent years.  But it appears to still have been considered novel in 1906 when the chorus girls of the comic-opera introduced “strip poker” at the Bisbee Inn in Los Angeles. 

By 1923, “strip poker” had become ubiquitous enough that a reporter noted, “of course everybody has heard about ‘strip poker.’”  But it took a bunch of Ziegfeld “Follies” chorus girls to introduce the game of “strip golf.”[viii]






And for anyone who didn’t run across the game in their own lives, numerous divorce actions and one widely reported wrongful dismissal action kept “strip poker” in the headlines throughout the 1920s; it was, after all, the “Jazz Age” – the “Roaring ‘20s.”

Los Angeles Times, April 11, 1925, page 22.

 Claire Deerfield, a former ballet dancer and young wife of an industrial dyeing magnate, claimed she visited the home of a wealthy broker at 2 a.m. to feed his dog.  She also admitted that, “on another occasion she fed the kitty in strip poker game, losing shoes, belt, blouse . . . and string of beads.”[ix]  She was found innocent, despite the admission – “nothin’ to see here.”

New York Daily News, February 8, 1929, page 3.



 In other cases, results were mixed. 

San Francisco Examiner, March 28, 1925, page 15.


 
Montana Standard (Butte, Montana), March 14, 1929, page 10.

 A widely reported wrongful termination case presented a twist.  Two young women were fired from their jobs as teachers in Kansas for playing “strip poker,” but stripping wasn’t the problem; the case hung on the strictly legal question of whether “strip poker” constituted gambling.[x]

Windsor Star (Windsor, Ontario), June 8, 1927, page 1.

Everything came full-circle nearly a century later, when a Yale researcher’s discovery of the earliest example of “strip poker” in print prompted others to uncover the game’s origins at Yale.

Just one more thing for Yalies to be proud of . . . even more so than another Yale brush with Ziegfeld Follies chorus girls fame, when they won the pogo-stick races in Ziegfeld’s Midnight Frolics to make up for losing the big game to Harvard earlier in the week.  See my earlier piece, “Hopping Stilts and Chorus Girls - a History and Etymology of "Pogo" Sticks”.





“Yale just had to win something last week.  It was the final heat in the ‘Ziegfeld Midnight Frolic’s’ pogo race.  If one’s life insurance is paid up and there’s plenty of liniment in the pantry, we suggest this as a breakfast teaser.”  New York Tribune, November 27, 1921, page 45.


Chorus Girl, Geneva Mitchell in her Yale “Y” sweater - The Morning Tulsa Daily World, March 26, 1922.






[i] Fred Shapiro is Associate (Library) Director for Collections and Access and Lecturer in Legal Research at Yale Law School. He is also the editor of the Yale Book of Quotations and the Oxford Dictionary of American Legal Quotations, as well as many other books, and has been recognized as the leading contributor to the Oxford English Dictionary. He holds a J.D. from Harvard University, an M.S.L.S. from the Catholic University of America, and an S.B. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. https://law.yale.edu/fred-r-shapiro
[ii]Los Angeles Times, July 8, 1906, page 13.
[iii]Los Angeles Times, September 5, 1905, page 3.
[iv]“What’s In a Name? Much to These Investors,” Los Angeles Times, May 9, 1912, part II, page 2.
[vi] Garson O’Toole is the author of Hemingway Never Said That and The Quote Investigatorwebsite (https://quoteinvestigator.com/) From a review of his book: “Garson O’Toole is the Sherlock Holmes of quotation sleuths, and Hemingway Never Said Thatprovides an intriguing, behind-the-scenes look into his case files. A thoroughly enjoyable book on its own, and an essential reference work for those who take their quotations seriously.” —Dr. Mardy Grothe, author of Metaphors Be With You.
[vii]The Pierson Hall dormitory is distinct from what is now Pierson College.  Pierson Hall, located on York Street between Chapel and Elm where the western edge of Memorial Quadrangle now stands, opened in 1896 and closed in 1917. Report of the President of Yale University for the Academic Year 1902-1903, pages 84-86.  In 1904, it housed almost exclusively freshmen.  Pierson College, located a block away on the other side of York, opened in 1933.
[viii]San Francisco Examiner, May 6, 1923, “The American Weekly” supplement, page 3.
[ix]New York Daily News, January 19, 1929, page 1.
[x]The distinction is reminiscent of the old joke about Baptists who refuse to have sex standing up because it might lead to dancing.

Mets Might Be Giants - an Alternative History of the New York Giants

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The San Francisco Giants’ official team-history timeline dates the origin of their franchise to 1883, the year they joined the National League.  By their calculations, they will celebrate their 140th anniversary in 2023.  Contemporary reporting of the team’s origin, however, suggests that the franchise may have been in continuous existence since 1880, pushing their 140th anniversary up to the year 2020. 

In 1883, after six years without a major league baseball team, New York City was suddenly blessed with not one, but two major league teams – the “New Yorks” (later the “Giants,” now the San Francisco Giants) of the National League and the “Metropolitans” (or “Mets”) of the American Association. 

The sudden appearance of two teams in two different leagues at the same time was no coincidence.  It was the result of a three-year effort by one man and his financial backers to introduce legitimate, honest, professional baseball back into New York City where it had fallen into disrepute amid allegations of fixing games and other forms crooked play several years earlier. 

In September 1880, journeyman New England baseball player and manager James Mutrie, with the financial backing of Tobacconist John B. Day and others, brought an independent team to New York called the “Metropolitans.”  To the surprise of many, the venture was profitable.

Throughout its first two seasons, the Metropolitans played second fiddle to the ponies on the Polo Grounds, with games scheduled only on off-days during the local polo season and full-time when the polo players were in Newport during the heat of summer.  But the increasing profitability of baseball put them in position to take more control of their own destiny. 

Before the 1882 season, Mutrie, Day and other backers formed the Metropolitan Exhibition Company to operate the business end of the stadium grounds and the baseball team.  One of their first moves was to sub-lease the Polo Grounds from the polo players, thereby securing full control over their stadium grounds and making them an attractive expansion target with opportunities to join either one of the two major leagues.  

But the Metropolitan Exhibition Company went them one better.  Instead of settling for a fielder’s choice, choosing one league over the other, they went for the double play, forming a second team and placing one each in both leagues.

This is where the standard timeline breaks down.  Traditional history holds that the Metropolitan Exhibition Company’s original team joined the American Association under their original name, the Metropolitans, and the new team joined the National League as the New Yorks, taking the name “Giants” two years later.  Under this timeline, the San Francisco Giants’ franchise dates to 1883.

Contemporary reporting from the period of transition, however, suggests the opposite, namely that the original Metropolitans joined the National League in 1883 and the new team joined the American Association. 

The Metropolitan Club will be under new management next season, and will also be in the [National] League. . . . 

Manager Mutrie, the organizer of the club, has resigned to take the management of the new American Association Club in this city next season.

New York Sun, November 13, 1882, page 3.

The teams swapped names before the season began, confusing the issue.

Some may view it as a distinction without a difference.  The original Metropolitans’ manager took charge of the new “Metropolitans” and brought many of the same players with him.  The new “Metropolitans” were therefore largely indistinguishable from the original Metropolitans.  The incestuous changes in management and personnel among two teams under common ownership obscured the technical distinctions of which franchise started when and where.

But if true, the San Francisco Giants’ franchise traces its origins to the first game of the New York Metropolitans on September 15, 1880, not to their first season in the National League in 1883.

Sorting out the early interconnected histories of the Mets, the Metropolitan Exhibition Company and the New York Giants may help determine whether the San Francisco Giants’ franchise should celebrate the 140th anniversary of their first game on September 15, 2020 or wait until the start of the 2023 season.

Sifting through those early histories also suggests answers to other unanswered questions about the teams’ names; why the original team was called the Metropolitans instead of the New Yorks as would have been expected under the team-name conventions of the day, why the teams swapped names in 1883, and why they became “Giants” in 1885.

Leslies Illustrated, July 10 1886, page 325.

James Mutrie’s Baseball Education

The prime mover behind the formation of both the New York Metropolitans and New York Giants franchises was an itinerant baseball player/long-distance runner/sports promoter/umpire named James Mutrie.

James Mutrie was born in Chelsea, Massachusetts in about 1851.  He first played organized baseball at the age of 21, as catcher for the Chelsea Aurora.[i]  The Chelsea Aurora played in a local Boston-area “junior” league, with teams including, the Mystic of Winchester, the Excelsior of Boston, Boston Jr. of Boston, Harvard Jr. of North Bridgewater, and Una of Charlestown. 

Despite Mutrie’s contributions, the future two-time World Series-champion manager’s team finished out of the money.  Una of Charlestown won the pennant, a “fine whip pennant valued at $100.”  The Harvard Jrs. took home a “handsome silver-mounted bat for second place, and the Excelsiors of Boston won third, a set of foul flags.”[ii]

Mutrie played catcher for Chelsea’s senior amateur squad the following season.  The team fared better, finishing the season with the best winning percentage and most runs scored, yet still losing the championship to the King Philips of Abington[iii]in a disputed decision by the “Base Ball Championship Committee.”

The recent decision of the Base Ball Championship Committee, awarding the silver ball to the King Philip Club of East Abington, caused surprise and dissatisfaction to the Chelsea Club and its friends.  It is claimed that the record of runs made by the latter club against their various opponents is better than that of the King Philips. 

Boston Globe, December 8, 1873, page 5.

Chelsea won seven of ten games played, while the King Philips won seven of eleven; Chelsea scored 108 runs and King Philips only 78.  Chelsea blamed the decision on the fact that a member of the King Philips sat on the committee.  But it’s possible, although not explained, that the committee took into considered the two out of three games the King Philips took from Chelsea in a late-season series against Chelsea, and the sixteen runs they put up against Chelsea’s seven in the final game of that series.[iv]

In 1874, Mutrie again played for the Chelsea amateurs, splitting time as catcher and short stop.  Although team was not as successful that season (they were listed in 4th place in the Massachusetts amateur standings in late-August), the team took a road trip that gave the young Mutrie his first taste of baseball in the New York City metropolitan area.

In August 1874, the Chelseas of Chelsea, Massachusetts travelled to Brooklyn (then its own city) to play games with local amateur teams.  Billed as the “amateur champions of Massachusetts” (perhaps based on their disputed “championship” from the previous season, Chelseas of Massachusetts represented their city well, winning two of three games by large margins against the Concords of Brooklyn and Arlingtons of New York City, and taking the same-named Chelseas of Brooklyn into extra innings, losing 10-6 in the tenth inning. 

All three games were played at the Union Grounds in Brooklyn.  Six years later, James Mutrie’s original Metropolitans would play their first several games on the same field.  This road trip may well have been the spark that ignited his passion for bringing major league baseball to New York.

Mutrie’s name appeared in Chelsea’s pre-season roster before the 1875 season and in a box score as short-stop for their game versus the Lynn Live Oaks in July.[v] There are very other few mentions in local newspapers as compared with the previous season.  The reasons are unclear, but a reference to the “reorganized nine of the Chelsea base ball club” hints at some turmoil within the team that summer.

But if the team was inactive for part of the season, Mutrie kept busy.  He umpired games played by other teams in Chelsea’s league in July[vi]and August,[vii]demonstrating the trust and respect his peers had for his fairness, maturity and general baseball knowledge, attributes that would later serve him well in becoming a successful manager.

He also reportedly played baseball for the Androscoggins of Lewiston Maine “during the latter part of that season [(1875)].”[viii]  An article about James Mutrie’s career published decades later suggested that his stint with the Androscoggins was the first time he played professionally, for money.  The Androscoggins, however, applied for and were admitted into the National Association of Amateur Base Ball Players before the 1875 season.,[ix] So if he was paid by the Androscoggins, it must have been under the table or in violation of the rules.  A brief biography of James Mutrie published in The New York Clipper in 1881, however, suggests that his first truly professional experience came in 1876, with the Fall Rivers of Fall River, Massachusetts.[x]

Mutrie brought Chelsea’s entire infield with him to Fall River in 1876, Steve Libby (1b), Sam Crane (2b), James Mutrie (ss), John Piggott (3b), and the battery consisting of John J. Eagan (p) and Henry Oxley (c).  Mutrie captained the team to the New England championship over Charter Oak, King Philip, Lynn Live Oaks, Lowell, New Haven, Rhode Island and Taunton.  The Fall Rivers finished the season with 49 wins, 33 losses and one tie and were declared “champions of New England” – it didn’t hurt that all of the other teams in the league folded before the season ended.[xi]

The Fall Rivers even bested the National League’s Boston “Reds” (or “Red Stockings,” later the Boston Braves, now the Atlanta Braves) in a late-season exhibition game, earning the winning pitcher, Tricky Nichols, a roster spot with the National League’s St. Louis Brown Stockings for 1877.

Mutrie spent one more season in Fall River, this time as manager, finishing in the middle of the pack behind pennant-winner Lowell and Manchester and ahead of Rhode Island and the Lynn Live Oaks.

With a (disputed) amateur championship of Massachusetts and a professional championship of New England under his belt, James Mutrie moved on up in 1878 to a league called the International Association, as short-stop for the New Bedfords of New Bedford, Massachusetts.  The team’s owner, Frank C. Bancroft, a hotel operator and vaudeville agent[xii]with little or no baseball experience, appointed Mutrie captain of the newly-formed team. 

 
Philadelphia Times, November 7, 1886, page 11.
The team did not last long in the International Association, giving up their spot in the league to a team from New Haven, Connecticut by early June.  But under Bancroft’s management and Mutrie’s on-field captaincy, New Bedford enjoyed success on the field among their peer-group of teams.  The New England Base Ball Association awarded New Bedford the “championship pennant” at their end-of-season meeting in November.[xiii]

As satisfying as a second New England championship in three seasons may have been, it was not the best thing to come out of that season for either James Mutrie or Frank Bancroft.  Bancroft, who had no previous professional baseball experience may have learned enough from Mutrie to manage his own teams in the future.  And Mutrie, who had little or no previous entrepreneurial experience, may have learned enough about the business of baseball to manage the business of his own teams in the future. 

The year 1878 was their only full year together on the same team, but their paths would cross again.

In 1881, Frank Bancroft managed a National League team from Detroit, sometimes referred to as “Wolverines,” in keeping with the long-established nickname for people from Michigan.  The local papers in Detroit, however, frequently used a different nickname for the team – the “Giants.”[xiv]

The [Detroit] Post and Tribune is pursuing a conservative and sensible course in reference to the new nine at Detroit.  It says: “We do not expect the Detroits to swing immediately to the front.  It would be folly to make any such claim; but they will make music for their opponents and music enough to make a merry dance.  Detroit is satisfied with her ‘giants,’ proud of their clean records, and convinced of their great promise.

Chicago Tribune, March 27, 1881, page 20.

The Detroit papers speak of the members of the local club as “giants” . . . .

The [Detroit] Post and Tribune thus outlines the programme of the Detroits for April: “The Detroit ‘Giants’ play their first game with the Princetons April 2d. . . . They will return to New-York the evening of the 2d and begin a series of six games with the Metropolitans on the Polo grounds. . . .”

Morning Express(Buffalo, New York), March 30, 1881, page 4.

Surprisingly, perhaps, Detroit was still referred to as “Giants” even after New York’s National League team became widely known as the “Giants” in 1885, as evidenced by these headlines from 1886.

Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), April 15, 1887, page 2.

Boston Globe, June 30, 1887, page 4.



New York’s own National League team would not be known as the “Giants” until James Mutrie’s first few days as manager during spring training in 1885.  Perhaps he learned more from Bancroft than just his business, entrepreneurial spirit and moustache maintenance.  

Mutrie’s and Bancroft’s paths crossed again in significant fashion in 1884.  Bancroft managed the National League’s Providence Grays that season, and Mutrie the American Association’s New York Metropolitans.  During the final weeks of the season, Mutrie publicly boasted that his team could beat any “League club” in a three-game series.  Bancroft challenged the “Mets” to a three-game, post-season series to test the claim. 

Mutrie agreed, but only in the event that both teams won their respective League pennants, which they both did a few weeks later.  After some back-and-forth negotiation, they agreed to terms and the dates – “the winning club to be entitled to the championship of America.  These will probably be the greatest games ever played.”[xv]

The championship series may not have been the “greatest games ever played” as advertised (Providence won handily, 6-0, 3-1 and 12-2 with all games played at the Polo Grounds), but they were the first-ever post-season series of games between champions of two major leagues – in effect the first-ever “World Series” (although the championship series would not be known by that name until 1886). 

But before any of that happened, Bancroft and Mutrie had unfinished, mutual business to attend to.  During the off-season between 1878 and 1879, Mutrie and Bancroft earned extra cash promoting and competing in long-distance “go as you please” run/walk races, with Bancroft  acting as “manager” or “coach” for Mutrie, who sometimes competed wearing his New Bedford baseball uniform, with many of the races against other baseball players. 

Races were generally set at 100, 50 or 25 miles.  In one match, Mutrie went 50 miles in 10 hours, 58 minutes and 19 seconds, including 21 minutes and 10 seconds’ rest.  His fastest mile was 10 minutes and 50 seconds, his slowest (the 25th mile) 16 minutes and 37 seconds.  Admission was charged, food and drinks sold to spectators, and promoters put up prize money.  In some cases, fellow players manned the gates, sold tickets, or provided security.

In 1879, Frank Bancroft was offered the management of a team from Worcester, Massachusetts, playing in a new league called the National Association.  He brought Mutrie with him to captain the team, but Mutrie’s limitations as a player soon caught up to him.  In mid-May, Bancroft said “Mutrie must go” – he is “not filling the bill.  He lasted a few more weeks, even pitching a few innings, but blowing a lead to his old team, New Bedford,[xvi]but was cut at the beginning of June.[xvii]

Despite being cut, the rest of the season was a busy one for Mutrie.  The Boston Red Stockings of the National League invited him on a road trip to serve as an umpire,[xviii]which demonstrates the trust and respect he had earned in even the highest levels of organized baseball. 

He also received an offer to manage a team from Brockton, Massachusetts, playing in an Eastern Massachusetts league.  Although initial reports suggested he had “received a proposal . . . which he will decline,” he “enter[ed] on his duties . . . in the game with the Springfields” one week later.  Within two months, however, he was lured away to manage his old team, New Bedford, now playing in the National Association with Bancroft’s Worcester team.

Now that Mutrie is back again as manager of the New Bedford base ball club, hope springs up afresh in the hearts of many.  He is certainly a most excellent manager, and, although he takes charge of the club at a time when its treasury is empty, he starts off with good courage, bound to manage the club so that it will finish the season in good shape.

Boston Globe, August 17, 1879, page 5.

Mutrie played out the season with New Bedford, his team finishing a distant sixth (of nine teams).  Bancroft’s Worcester team finished in fourth, but still found a way to weasel its way into the National League the following season, where they remained for three years.

The season may have been mostly a bust for New Bedford, but it brought Mutrie more opportunities to make contacts that would play a role in bringing him to the New York metropolitan area the following season.  On September 27, The New-Bedford “whitewashed” the Jersey City Browns, 4-0, on the Prospect Park baseball grounds in Brooklyn.  Jersey City was playing its games in Brooklyn because “railroad officials ran a track through the centre of the field” during a rain delay earlier that month.[xix]

Within five months, Mutrie would take charge of organizing a Jersey City team to join the National Association.  When that didn’t pan out, his quest to locate a team somewhere within the New York metropolitan area would bear fruit with the establishment of the New York Metropolitans.

But in the intervening months, Mutrie again kept busy organizing and participating in long-distance running and walking races.  He even reportedly accepted an offer to play in Cuba with a team from Rochester, New York sponsored by the Hop Bitters beverage company.  Frank Bancroft (who had recently sold off his hotel interests to embark on a full-time baseball career[xx]) had organized the tour, found the sponsor, and would play a few games in Cuba before spending several weeks taking on all comers in New Orleans. 

At the last minute, however, Mutrie was unable to make the trip.[xxi]  It’s not clear why, but he made good use of his time while the Hop Bitters were away, laying the groundwork that would ultimately bring major league baseball back to New York City. 

In December, the financial backers of the Brockton club made an offer for him to manage their team in 1880.  In February 1880, James Mutrie attended the winter meetings of the National Association baseball league; not as a representative of New Bedford, but as the prospective manager of Jersey City, one of the “leading metropolitan nines”[xxii]of the New York City area.

The National Association will hold its annual convention at Earle’s Hotel, New York, on Wednesday, Feb. 18th.  Delegates from the National, Albany, Springfield, Baltimore, Jersey City, Trenton, Philadelphia and Holyoke Clubs are wanted. . . . The prospects are that Jersey City will have a strong nine during the coming season.  A stock company, with a capital of $2,500, divided into one hundred shares, is to be formed.  James Mutrie of New Bedford, has been selected to organize and manage the nine.

The Buffalo Commercial, February 11, 1880, page 3.

But things were still not settled in March.  He visited Brockton to see about taking charge of its team, while still considering a position with Jersey City.

Brockton is beginning to agitate the base ball question, and Mr. James Mutrie of New Bedford has been invited to take charge of the matter.  He was at Brockton the past week, and succeeded very well.

Boston Globe, March 14, 1880, page 2.

Cammeyer and Mutree [(sic)] will visit Prospect Park on the occasion of the first prize ball practice game by professionals, with a view to making selections for their Brooklyn and Jersey City teams.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, March 16, 1880, page 2.

With opportunities in Brockton and Jersey City, Mutrie, Solomon-like, split the baby – organizing one team alternately referred to as Brockton or Jersey City.

Mutrie is organizing a nine at Brockton, Mass.[xxiii]

The Jersey City Club. – Manager Mutrie reached town on Monday last, and states that Jersey City will have a professional grand opening and a strong stockholding team in the field within two weeks’ time.[xxiv]

Yale met the much named Jersey-City-Springfield, Brocktons for the third time yesterday, and defeated them in a finely contested game.[xxv]

James Mutrie was not the only baseball entrepreneur who was busy that summer.  Harry Wright, the Hall-of-Famer who had organized the first fully professional team, the Cincinnati Red Stockings, in 1869, was reportedly in town looking to organize a team to play at the recently opened polo grounds the following season.

Harry Wright is set down for another locality in 1881.  This time he will raise a New York nine to play on the polo grounds at One-hundred-and-twenty-fifth street.

Williamsport Sun-Gazette, June 7, 1880, page 3.

Harry Wright may have been the first person to seek out such an arrangement, but he wasn’t the only one.  Mutrie’s mentor, Frank Bancroft, was also looking to place a team there.

The [Cincinnati[xxvi]] Enquirer says that an effort is being made which may prove successful, to persuade James Gordon Bennett to back a team which Manager Bancroft says will represent New York next year in the League.  The team will be formed whether the great journalist backs it or not, but with Mr. Bennett’s aid the polo grounds on Sixty-fifth street will be secured and turned into one of the finest ball grounds in the country.  A good, honest nine of ball players, with an irreproachable manager, will then be wanted, and some of the old time Atlantic Mutual enthusiasm will be revived in Gotham.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 11, 1880, page 3.

People familiar with old New York might notice that both of these reports got the location of the polo grounds wrong – it was actually bounded by 110th and 112thStreets and 5th and 6th Avenues.  The reporters had good excuse, however.  The polo grounds themselves were only a few weeks old when those reports were published, so the public was not yet very familiar with the location.


The Polo Grounds

There were no polo grounds in New York City until 1876 – because no one played polo in the United States until 1876.  The sport originated in Europe and was brought to US by wealthy American playboys, principally James Gordon Bennett, Jr. (heir to the New York Herald newspaper fortune), who picked up the game in Paris and London a season or two earlier.

James Gordon Bennett, Jr., Puck, Volume 3, Number 77, August 28, 1878, page 2.

The newly-formed Westchester Polo Club set up the first polo grounds at the Jerome Park horse racing track, the original home to the Belmont Stakes in the “annexed district” of the Bronx, which had been part of Westchester until 1874.  The polo-elite would practice and play there in the late-spring and early-summer, before moving the whole operation, ponies and all, to the cooler climate of Newport, Rhode Island.  

It was not a perfect location for a polo club.

Westchester. – Named after a swell polo club.  Place laid out with the intention of becoming the suburbs of New York.  Up to the present date chiefly remarkable for its production of chills and fever and bad country building lots held at city prices.  Board at variegated terms.  Prime quality of malaria on tap everywhere.

“Puck’s Summer Resport Guide,” Puck On Wheels No. III, For the Summer of 1882, New York, Keppler & Schwarzmann, 1882, page 26.

In part to avoid the poor climate, and in part to be closer to the seaside amusements they frequented at Coney Island, the Westchester Polo Club made arrangements to play games in a public park in Brooklyn. 

Polo at the Park.

The Westchester Club in Its New Quarters – An Opening Game to be Played this Afternoon – the Future Programme, Etc.

The Westchester Polo Club took possession, yesterday, of the ten acres of land set apart for them by the Park Commissioners, in the middle of the Prospect Park Parade Ground, and the members of the club took up their quarters at the Park Hotel, near by.  During the months of April and May the members continued their daily practice at the Jerome Park grounds, but at no time did these grounds suit them for summer practice, and hence, with the approach of warmer weather a change of locality was agreed upon.  The ground granted by the Park Commissioners affords far more room than the space heretofore occupied by the club at Fordham.  The convenience of members who desire to spend part of the day on the seashore has also been consulted in the selection of this new playground, the boulevard where the clubhouse is located being in splendid condition all the way to Coney Island. 

The Brooklyn Union, June 10, 1879, page 3.

The change was great for the polo players, but not so much for the hoi polloi displaced by the aristocratic amusement on the one day a week they could enjoy the park.  The blowback was immediate.

A Costly Recreation Inaugurated at Prospect Park To-day.

[The Westchester Club] came over the river and captured Prospect Park, the Park Commissioners granting the Westchester Club THE EXCLUSIVE USE of ten acres of the central part of the parade ground, thereby cutting off the use of the outfields of ten of the thirteen ball fields laid out at the grounds.  The club days selected, too, include two days of the week when public school boys, store employes and others of the business class of Brooklynites find it the only time they can get to the Park for sport.  They would be content to see the polo gentlemen have their games on any day but Wednesday and Saturday, especially Saturday.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 11, 1879, page 4.

It is questionable, also, whether, in doing this, the Commissioners have not infringed on the rights and privileges previously enjoyed by the hundreds of Brooklyn residents who have hitherto enjoyed the use of the Parade Ground for their base ball, cricket, lacrosse and football clubs.  The new game first exhibited here yesterday is a sport which from its costly and dangerous character, is precluded from becoming popular with us to any such extent as our national game of ball is. . . . 

The game of polo, being as it is an aristocratic one, requiring the possession of wealth and leisure for its indulgence, without doubt another day than Saturday would be set apart by the Park Commissioners, and thus the recreations of the “curled darlings” of society would not interfere with those of the masses; or it might even be with propriety suggested that the high toned polo clubs buy their own ground.  That would be satisfactory all round.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 12, 1879, page 2.

By the end of the week, the polo players were banished to the far reaches of the Parade Ground.

The ball grounds at Prospect Park presented one of the most lively and attractive scenes yesterday that has been witnessed for many years past.  It was literally covered with ball players . . . .  Of course the majority of the players engaged in the various phases of ball playing were the members of the base ball nines.  These exponents of the American national game having full sway yesterday, the position taken by the Eagle, in maintenance of the rights of the Brooklyn base ball fraternity, which had been trenched upon by the English Polo players having resulted in locating the “intruding foreigners” at the extreme end of the parade ground.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 15, 1879, page 4.

Luckily, it was nearly time to head off to Newport, so the polo players made do for the remainder of the season.  But they would still need a better place to play the following season.

Unsatisfied with the grounds at Jerome Park, and without a satisfactory option in Brooklyn, the rich-and-powerful polo players looked for a suitable location among the dwindling open spaces of Manhattan, in easy reach of their business offices downtown and their sprawling estates up in Westchester – they found it at the northeast corner of Central Park.

In February of 1880, members of the Westchester Polo Club filed organized a separate entity, the Manhattan Polo Association, for the purpose of “maintaining polo grounds.” The Secretary of State issued their final certificate of incorporation on April 8, 1880, with an original capital of $15,000.[xxvii]

Even with the vast resources of the Manhattan Polo Association and its wealthy Gilded Age members, they were unable to negotiate purchase of their own lot.  Instead, they leased the land for their new polo grounds for a term of five year and two months, beginning March 1, 1880, at an annual rent of $2,500,[xxviii]from one of the largest, single landowners in New York City, and one of the wealthiest women in the country, Mary G. Pinkney. 

Decades earlier, Mary Pinkney purchased vast swathes of land on Manhattan from her step-father, Commodore Watt, using her own cash inheritance from her biological father who had died young.  Rumor has it that she purchased the land to protect it from her step-father’s creditors in the aftermath of a failed attempt to build a canal across Harlem from the Hudson to the East River. 

She never married, spending much of the rest of her life managing her properties and supporting the lavish lifestyles of spoiled step-siblings, cousins and extended family.  She made the most of her initial investment, selling off or leasing bits and pieces of her land for development as the city grew northward, then selling more when other peoples’ developments made her remaining property even more valuable. 

Her lease to the Manhattan Polo Club fits the pattern.  The northern reaches of Manhattan beyond Central Park were not yet densely populated in 1880, and a sports and entertainment complex there would give people a reason to go there and people who lived there already something to do nearby.  Instead of selling off her land, she held onto it, and would later sell it and other land nearby at much higher prices.

Mary G. Pinkney also made money by pioneering the practice of “borrowing” money from the public coffers.  She always paid her taxes as late as possible, intentionally incurring late fees and penalties and paying them off at the last possible moment before public auction, knowing that her land would always appreciate faster than the interest and penalties accrued.  It was all perfectly legal, she paid all of her taxes, interest and penalties – eventually, even if it sounds a bit sleazy.  

The new Manhattan Polo Grounds opened to the public on May 22, 1880.  And although built primarily for polo, it was contemplated from the very beginning that other sports, including baseball, would be played there as a money-making proposition when polo was out of season or in Newport.

The present season of the Polo Club is to last but three weeks, but playing will be resumed in the autumn after the return from Newport.  Meanwhile, the grounds will be open to cricket, lacrosse, base ball, and other associations for amateur athletic sports. 

The Times Picayune (New Orleans, Louisiana), May 21, 1889, page 6.

Little did they know it would survive as an actual polo ground for only two seasons.  Once again, as was the case in Brooklyn in 1879, they would be displaced by baseball players.  But this time it would not be by popular revolt, baseball just proved to be a more profitable use of the space. 

James Mutrie is the man most responsible for making it profitable.  But first he needed a team.


The New York Metropolitans

Throughout the spring and early summer of 1880, James Mutrie was in and out of town looking for a more permanent home for his “much named” Jersey City-Brocktons.  But the economics of supporting a wandering baseball team soon caught up with him.  The team disbanded at the end of June.[xxix]  Other teams in the National Association followed suit, with Baltimore and Albany out of the league a few weeks later. 

Rochester survived, but without a league to play in, they left town to play against National League teams travelling through Albany.[xxx]  Several weeks later, they migrated to New York City to pick up some games and make some more money.  Several of their players would become New York Metropolitans. 

With his team out of the picture, Mutrie stayed in New York City to work on his plan.  But prospects for professional baseball in the city looked bleak.  When a semi-pro team from Syracuse proposed a series of games with Brooklyn professionals for late-July, for example, a local newspaper was not optimistic, but held out hope that Harry Wright could make it happen.

Inasmuch as there is now no professional ground in New York or Brooklyn, it would be Professional base ball playing is a dead horse this season, and until Harry Wright comes to the Metropolis and raises a team to play on the polo grounds in 1881 there will be no matcher played here.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 4, 1880, page 3.

Bancroft and Mutrie also had their eyes set on the new Polo Grounds, each one approaching polo players with the money and influence to make it happen.  Frank Bancroft is said to have approached Gordon Bennett, Jr., the newspaper heir who had brought polo to the city.  James Mutrie approached “Belmont, the banker” (likely August Belmont, Jr.), an avid polo player and member of the Manhattan Polo Club whose father is the namesake of the Belmont Stakes.  But neither one would make a deal. 

It fell upon a lesser-known, less-wealthy baseball enthusiast, John B. Day, to make the initial investment of $100 to get the project off the ground.[xxxi]

Boston Globe, February 13, 1925, page 13.

According to an account published five years later, a baseball reporter named A. B. Rankin for Gordon Bennett, Jr.’s newspaper, the New York Herald, introduced Mutrie to Day to aid him “in an effort to get up a professional team in New York.”  A. B. Rankin had been active in baseball circles for years (he was Brooklyn’s representative at the International League’s convention in 1877, for example[xxxii]), so he may well have known Mutrie professionally before that summer.

The introduction did not bring immediate results.  Day apparently hired Mutrie as a clerk in the baseball department of his tobacco business to hold him over until he got a team off the ground.

It was not until the Fall of 1880, however, that the movement was really started, and it began on the old Union Grounds in Brooklyn in a series of exhibition games between the Hop Bitters nine of Rochester – an advertising quack medicine team – and a picked nine of Brooklyn, known as the Union nine.  Fortunately for the success of Mr. Day’s experiment, Mutrie was at that time simply Mr. Day’s clerk in the base ball department of his business – the Westchester Polo Club people found their expensive grounds, which were very little used for polo, quite an elephant on their hands, and they were glad to have Mr. Day help them out by leasing them for three days a week for base ball purposes. 

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, November 8, 1885, page 7.

An account of a game played August 18, 1880 agrees with this later recollection of the game where Mutrie’s plan “really started.”  James Mutrie umpired the game at the Union Grounds in Brooklyn where Mutrie had played with Fall River six years earlier.  The game was played between the remnants of the Rochester team who briefly in Albany a few weeks earlier after the collapse of the National Alliance, and the Union, a local Brooklyn team organized by William F. Cammeyer who owned and operated the stadium grounds. The Union Grounds were located in Williamsburg, bounded by Rutledge and Lynch Streets and Marcy and Harrison Avenues.

Rochester won the game by a score of 6-3 in what would otherwise have been scarcely a footnote in baseball history, if not for the fact that it may have been the genesis of the New York Metropolitans, the forerunners of the New York Giants, now the San Francisco Giants. 

Seven of the players on the field that day (five from Rochester and two from the Union) wound up on the Metropolitans’ roster less than a month later; Brady, Kennedy, Hawes, Daly and Deasley of Rochester, and Nelson and Pike of the Union.  Another one of the early Metropolitans, Jonathan Farrell, also played for the Union but was not on the field that day.  A ninth member of the first Metropolitan squad, Walker, had played with Mutrie and several other members of the Union on a hastily assembled “picked nine” team, thrown together to play a game with the Washington Nationals (another orphan from the failed National Association) when the Rochesters failed to appear on time for a scheduled game.  The “picked nine” won that contest, also by a score of 6-3.

Having now met his patron John B. Day, and most of the players who would play for him on the Metropolitans, Mutrie must have been busy organizing and assembling the team, scheduling games and finding a home.  He had not yet secured the Polo Grounds, and was actively considered playing somewhere in New Jersey. 

His plan was to schedule games against National League teams during October, after the close of the League season.  New York City metropolitan area was a large market, and without their own major league team, the baseball fans were eager to see some good talent. 

- New York Herald: Arrangements are being made to have a series of games played in this section of the country between League and non-League clubs during the month of October, as the league championship season closes on the last day of September. . . . [T]here will be two strong clubs in this vicinity – the Unions of Brooklyn and Manager Mutrie’s new team, which is being organized to represent New-Jersey – and will play at Newark, Orange, and Hoboken.

Buffalo Morning Express, August 17, 1880, page 4.

James Mutrie, the well-known manager, is endeavoring to organize a professional nine for Newark, N. J., where they have an excellent inclosed ground.

Boston Globe, August 26, 1880, page 4.

He even got so far as announcing a roster and scheduling an opening game.

- Newark, N. J., will next week place a new team in the field. . . .  They will open on their new grounds by playing the Nationals of Washington on Monday.

Buffalo Morning Express, August 21, 1880, page 4.

The Newark team did not work out, and perhaps it was for the best.  None of the players on the announced Newark roster were on his Metropolitan roster three weeks later.

As busy as Mutrie was organizing a team and planning games, he also found time to umpire and even play a few games himself.  In addition to the “picked nine” game against Washington in August, Mutrie played at least two games in the weeks and days leading up to the Metropolitans’ first game for a team billed as the “New Yorks.”  Mutrie’s “New York” team lost two games to the Brooklyn Union, 7-4 on September 4 and an embarrassing 19-0 on September 11. 

Mutrie’s plan to use the Polo Grounds appears to have been nearing completion by the end of August, and not just for the remainder of the 1880 season; he was already looking forward to the next season with hopes of joining the National League.  And since they would be sharing the grounds with the ponies, they would need an alternate site to play during polo season.

The New York idea is to fit up the Polo grounds on One Hundred and Tenth street for a League Club ground, and to have a ground also at Coney Island.  With a good League Club they hope to have an old-time revival – the team playing part of their games in July and August at Coney Island.

Cincinnati Enquirer, August 27, 1880, page 5.

Mutrie’s new team secured final permission to use the Polo Grounds a couple weeks later.  The announcement includes the first reference to their new name – the “Metropolitans.”

The New-York Star says: “Arrangements have been made with the management of the Polo grounds to place a strong professional base ball club in the field for the remainder of this season, and to locate a League club there next year.  The ball players will have four days each week, Monday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday, and games will be played on those days during the month of October with all the leading professional clubs of the country.  James Mutrie has been engaged as manager, and he has secured the majority of the Rochesters for his new team, which is to be known as the Metropolitan Base Ball Club of New-York City.  The opening game will be played on Saturday of this week with the Union Club of Brooklyn.”

Buffalo Morning Express, September 11, 1880, page 4.

While no one explained why they were called the “Metropolitans” and not the “New Yorks,” as would have been common under standard baseball team-naming conventions of the time, it is consistent with the fact that the team planned to play its games in more than one city; Brooklyn would not be annexed into New York City until the mid-1890s.

The Metropolitans played what were billed as their first two “practice games” against the Brooklyn Union at the Union Grounds on September 15 and 16, 1880, two lopsided wins, 13-0 and 15-0.  About one week later, they followed up those wins with four more wins over an amateur team from Jersey City, also played at the Union Grounds.

The Metropolitans’ first game against professional competition was also their first game at the Polo Grounds, a 4-2 victory over the Washington Nationals on September 29, 1880.  They beat the Nationals at the Polo Grounds again, by a score of 8-6, the following day.  They played the third game of the series against the Nationals, a 7-3 win over the Nationals the following day, at the Union Grounds in Brooklyn to accommodate polo matches at the Polo Grounds.  One day later, they beat up on amateur college boys, the Jaspers of Manhattan College, 12-3 in a game at the Union Grounds on a day the Polo Grounds hosted bicycle races.

The Metropolitans spent the rest of their abbreviated, inaugural season playing teams from the National League.  Most of those games were played at the Polo Grounds, with four more at the Union Grounds and a single game at Elysian Fields in Hoboken, New Jersey.

They acquitted themselves well for a newly organized team playing against battle-hardened major-leaguers, establishing a record of 5-10-1 against the National League, Worcester (four games), Troy (six games), Cleveland (two games) and Chicago (three games). 

The only team they did win at least one game from was the newly-crowned National League Champions, the Chicago White Stockings.  Coincidentally, the Chicago White Stockings had also been known, on occasion, as the Chicago Giants; more frequently in the mid-1870s, but on at least one occasion in the 1880 season. 

New York Herald, June 28, 1874, page 10.
 
Boston Globe, July 21, 1875, page 5.
 
The Bostons met the Chicago giants on the South End grounds Saturday afternoon.

Boston Globe, May 31, 1880, page 4.

The Chicago White Stockings of 1880 are arguably the first-ever team known as the “Giants” to play a game at New York’s Polo Grounds, a year before Frank Bancroft brought the Detroit Wolverines/Giants to the Polo Grounds, and five years before New York’s National League team would be widely known as the “Giants.”

The Metropolitans “disbanded” at the end of the month,[xxxiii]but Mutrie and Day kept the organization together to prepare for another season.  By early December, Mutrie secured rights to play four days a week at the Polo Grounds, April 1st through November 1st, with tentative plans to play games at the Race Course at Coney Island when necessary, which he believed would be a “bonanza for base ball” during prime tourist season in August.[xxxiv] 

He was right about it being a bonanza, but wrong about needing Coney Island.  The Metropolitans were so successful in 1881 that they could afford to lease the entire Polo Grounds for themselves.  When the season was over, the Manhattan Polo Club sub-let the grounds to the newly-formed Metropolitan Exhibition Company for the three years remaining on its five-year lease from Mary Pinkney.[xxxv]

The property became even more profitable three years later, before the 1885 season, when the Manhattan Polo Club’s lease expired, and the Metropolitan Exhibition Company cut out the middle-man and entered into its own lease, directly with the landowner Mary G. Pinkney, at a savings of over $5,000 a year.[xxxvi]  When the lease expired before the 1885 season, the Metropolitan Exhibition Company signed a new lease directly with Ms. Pinkney, increasing her rental payments and reducing theirs by cutting out the middle man. 

All of this early history of the Metropolitans is at least an interesting footnote in baseball history, the team that brought high-quality professional baseball to New York, paved the way for the team that would become the Giants, and inspired the name of today’s New York Mets.  But if the original Metropolitans are technically the same franchise that would later be known as the New York Giants, as contemporary reporting from the time suggests, then this early history of the original Mets becomes part-and-parcel of the early history of the San Francisco Giants.

If true, the San Francisco Giants franchise should start gearing up for its 140th anniversary on September 15, 2020, the anniversary of the original, independent New York Metropolitans’ first-ever game.


New Leagues – New Names

The New York Metropolitans spent three seasons operating more-or-less as an independent, non-aligned team, scheduling games against any and all comers, and not competing for the “championship” of any particular league.  But that’s not to say they had no interest in playing in a league.

The New York Metropolitans sought membership in the National League as early as December 1880.  When asked whether the Metropolitans would gain admission to the League during the National League meetings in December 1880, the President of the Boston Red Stockings, Arthur Soden, replied, “I don’t think they will, because they do not control their grounds.  It is a polo field, which they have for so many days each week.”[xxxvii]

Despite being left out of the league, they were not completely on their own.  In late-1880, as an alternative to full League membership, the Metropolitans applied for membership in what was called the “League Alliance,” an off-shoot of the National League in which member teams agreed to abide by the League’s player contracting rules, which in turn shielded member teams against having their players poached away by National League teams, and vice versa.[xxxviii]  The League approved the Metropolitans’ application in March 1881, essentially conferring them “honorary” membership in the National League.[xxxix]

In November 1881, an upstart league called the American Association offered the Metropolitans membership in their new league.  The Metropolitans declined, preferring instead to remain in the League Alliance and under the protection of and the more established National League.  Continued membership in the League Alliance also put the team in a favored position to join the National League if or when the opportunity arose.

That opportunity arose in 1882, perhaps because they had cleared one of the hurdles to admission – they now had full control over their stadium grounds.  The Manhattan Polo Club abandoned the polo grounds before the 1882 season, signing over the remaining three years of their five-year lease to the Metropolitan Exhibition Company, the new corporate entity formed to operate the team and the stadium.[xl]  By the end of the 1882 season, the New York Metropolitans had proven the viability of a quality professional baseball team in New York City. 

When the season came to a close, both the American Association and the National League coveted the Metropolitans as an entrée into the lucrative New York market.  But which team would land their prize?  In the end, they both got what they wanted, but which team joined which league? 

Conventional history suggests that the original Metropolitans joined the American Association while the new team joined the National League.  But contemporary reporting suggests it may be the other way around.  It may have been the original Metropolitans who joined the National League with a new name, the “New Yorks,” and the new team who joined the American Association, but under the old name, the “Metropolitans.”

Before the 1882 season was over, the Metropolitans and the Philadelphia Phillies applied to upgrade their “honorary” League Alliance membership status to full membership in the National League. 

As the Metropolitans and Philadelphias, the two League-Alliance clubs, have each an application on file, the chances for Milwaukee are slim, especially as only the Worcesters are likely to withdraw.

Chicago Tribune, July 2, 1882, page 16.

The applications were still under consideration in September, before the season was over, but the League put off taking any action on the applications until December.

The executive committee of the national league of professional base ball players accepted the resignation of the Worcester, Massachussets, and Troy, New York clubs.  The application for admissions into membership from the Metropolitans, of New York, and the Philadelphia clubs will be acted upon in December. 

The Leavenworth Times, September 23, 1882, page 1.
 
When December rolled around, the National League welcomed both the Metropolitans and Philadelphias into the League.

The resignations of the Troy and Worcester clubs were accepted, and the applications of the Metropolitansand Philadelphias for admission to the league were favorably acted upon and their Presidents were admitted to the meeting.

Detroit Free Press, December 7, 1882, page 1.

Although the Metropolitans’ accession into the National League might otherwise have been a major feather in James Mutrie’s baseball cap, it happened without him.  By all accounts, he left the team in September, weeks before the season ended, due to a dispute with his financial backers over which players to sign for the following season.  When they wouldn’t let him sign his preferred players, he took his ballplayers and went home – to form his own new team to compete in the other, newer league.

James Mutrie, the organizer and manager of the Metropolitan Club, has determined to sever his connection with it at the close of the present season.  He has just returned from a two weeks’ trip taken for the purpose of engaging players for a new club, which he contemplates putting in the field to represent this city next season. . . .  The nine, which it is promised will be very strong, will contend for the championship of the American Association.

New York Clipper, September 23, 1882, page 431.

Mutrie’s withdrawal from the Mets was caused by the refusal of the stockholders to engage the players selected by him.

Buffalo Commercial, September 28, 1882, page 3.

The Metropolitans and the Philadelphias will enter the [National] League and contest for supremacy of that organization, while the new club which is to represent New York city under the management of Mr. James Mutrie, formerly of the Metropolitans, will, like the Athletics of Philadelphia, become a member of the American Association and compete for the championship of that body.

Weekly Standard(Leavenworth, Kansas), September 29, 1882, page 3.

With Mutrie out of town trying to lock down his roster for 1883, the new manager of the Metropolitans also had his eye out for talent to sign for the next season.  Sometimes they competed for the same players, including, for example, players from Troy’s National League team, slated to be dropped from the League when New York and Philadelphia were promoted. 

On one particular day in late-September 1882, Mutrie, Day and no fewer than four other major league managers (or prospective major league managers) converged on the team’s hotel and pursued the Troy players with “religious persistency.”

Among the managers who made the day a lively one with the Troy boys were . . . J. B. Dove [(sic – should be J. B. Day)] of the Metropolitans [and] Mutrie of the new New York Club. . . .

The men sought for by the managers are Connors, first baseman; Gillespie, left field; Ewing, third base; Keefe, pitcher; Holbert catcher.

Boston Globe, September 25, 1882, page 2.

Of the named players, three (Connors, Gillespie and Ewing) would eventually sign with the “Metropolitans” and two (Keefe and Holbert) with Mutrie’s new “New York” team.  Day’s Metropolitans would ultimately sign four members of the 1882 Troy squad, and Mutrie’s New Yorks three.

The Metropolitans and New Yorks also shared players from the Metropolitans of 1882.  Three players from the Metropolitans of 1882 (Clapp, O’Neill and Hankinson) would play in the National League under Day in 1883, and five (Lynch, Reipschlager, Brady, Kennedy and Nelson) would play for Mutrie in the American Association.

Although Day’s National League team would later be known as the “New Yorks” (sometimes the “Gothams”), they were still called the “Metropolitans” when they started locking their 1883 roster toward the end of the 1882 season.  Likewise, Mutrie’s American Association team would later be called the “Metropolitans,” but were the “New Yorks” when they were signing players in late-1882.

The following is an official list of the League players who have signed by the clubs and are safely under contract for next season:

. . . Metropolitans - Caskins, Dorgan, Clapp, Hankinson, O’Neil, Ward, Gillespie, Welch, Troy, Ewing, Connor.

In an exhibition game played at New York Friday the Providence defeated the Metropolitans by a score of 9 to 3.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October 31, 1882, page 8.

Of the [National] league clubs the Chicagos have signed ten men . . . ; Metropolitans, twelve. . . .  In the American Association the Cincinnatis have signed eight . . . .  Mutrie’s New York club contains nine men.

Boston Globe, November 12, 1882, page 12.

The Metropolitan Club will be under new management next season, and will also be in the League.  The players so far secured Clapp [et al]. . . .  Manager Mutrie, the organizer of the club, has resigned to take the management of the new American Association Club in this city next season.  This club, he says, will be as strong as he can make it.  He has already several of the best League players secured for his club, and he expects to get more.

The New York Sun, November 13, 1882, page 3.

The original Metropolitans were still “Metropolitans” when they were admitted to the League during the National League meetings in December.  When deciding the outcome of a dispute between the Metropolitans and Buffalo over the payment of an appearance guarantee when a late-season game was cancelled due to rain, for example, reports from the meeting still referred to New York’s National League team as the “Metropolitans.”

And even as late as January 1883, as rumors circulated that both New York teams were under common ownership, the original “Metropolitans” were considered as having joined the National League, and Mutrie’s New York team were the ones in the American Association. 


A NOVEL SITUATION.

When the American Association held its late meeting in Columbus, Manager Mutrie, of the New York club was asked where the organization intended having its grounds.  He was very reticent upon this subject and gave no positive answer.  Now comes a rumor that the present polo grounds on which the Metropolitans played last, year are to be cut in two and occupied, half by the New York club, and the other half by the Metropolitans, who now hold League membership.  It is also stated that both clubs are under the same management, although this fact is kept a secret.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, January 8, 1883, page 8.

It is likely that the Polo Grounds will be transformed into two base-ball grounds for use next season.  The lease of the grounds at present is held by the Metropolitan Exhibition Company. The manager of that company has signified his willingness to lease half of the grounds to Mr. James Mutrie, who has organized a new base-ball club, which will represent this City in the American Association.

New York Times, January 8, 1883, page 2.

In mid-January 1883, however, the original “Metropolitans” (now in the National League) were “christened” the “New York club” and Mutrie’s “new” American Association team was “named” the “Metropolitan.”  The words “christened” and “named” suggest changes from the status quo.  The team that would later become the New York Giants (today the San Francisco Giants) was therefore the same team that played as the “Metropolitans” for three seasons, beginning in 1883, and it was the new team that joined the American Association under the other team’s old name in 1883.

The evidence of the continuity of the franchise from the Metropolitans of 1880 to the San Francisco Giants of today is bolstered by John B. Day’s own recollection, four decades after the fact.

“Mutrie and myself had been interested in baseball from the start, and we tried to get into the league for some time before we were successful.  I told Mutrie that if he would get the grounds, I would supply the money.  So he got the grounds at 110th st and Fifth av.  We played for a time as the ‘Metropolitans’ before we joined the National League.”

Boston Globe, February 13, 1925, page 13.

To some, it might seem meaningless to quibble about a technical difference between the original Metropolitans of 1882 and the team of the same name in the American Association in 1883.  After all, the teams shared common ownership, the same manager, and many of the same players (five).  Some might argue that the new Mets were practically indistinguishable from the original Metropolitans and ought to be considered a continuation of the same franchise.

But the same argument can be made about the National League team under the management of John B. Day in 1883.  It also shared common ownership, a common manager (John B. Day managed the old Metropolitans throughout the final weeks of the 1882 season), and several of the same players (three) with the Mets of 1882.  Standing alone, these similarities make the National League team nearly as indistinguishable from the original Metropolitans as were the new Metropolitans. 

Other factors make the case for a connection between the original Metropolitans and New York’s National League team even stronger.  The original Metropolitans enjoyed a pre-existing relationship with the National League as members of the League Alliance, players reportedly signed by the original Metropolitans during the off-season played for the National League team the following season, the National League reportedly admitted the original Metropolitans (by that name) into the League, and only later was the National League team “christened” the “New York club” and the American Association “named” the “Metropolitan,” in apparent name changes.

There was no reason was given for the changes.  Perhaps Mutrie simply liked his old team’s name.  Or perhaps he or his management thought it might help marketing due to his and many of his players’ previous association with that team name.


Summary

James Mutrie and John B. Day organized the New York Metropolitans professional baseball team in the late-summer of 1880.  They played their first game at the Union Grounds in Brooklyn on September 15, 1880.  They gained membership in the League Alliance, an off-shoot of the National League, during the 1881 and 1882 seasons.

Toward the end of the 1882 season, Mutrie left the team in a dispute over the players he wanted to sign for the 1883 season.  In his absence, the Metropolitans applied for and were admitted to the National League.  Meanwhile, Mutrie organized a new team which gained admission to the American Association.  In early-1883, the two teams swapped named, with the League team was “christened” the New York Club and Mutrie’s Association team “named” the Metropolitan.

The Metropolitans of 1882 and 1883 share several similarities which give the appearance of continuity of the franchise from one season to the next.  But the 1882 Mets share nearly all of those same similarities (with the notable exception of the name) with the 1883 New Yorks.  Contemporary reporting of the team’s off-season transition from independent to League team strongly suggests that it was the National League’s New York franchise, and not the new Metropolitans in the American Association, that was a continuation of the original Metropolitans’ franchise. 

Baseball historians and enthusiasts might decide to celebrate the anniversary of the founding of the San Francisco Giants franchise on September 15, 1880, the date of the original New York Metropolitans’ first game, rather than waiting for 2023.

But of course anyone looking for a reason to celebrate might also celebrate the 140th anniversary of the Giants’ first game in the National League, a 7-5 win over the Boston Red Stockings on May 1, 1883, and/or the game at which the name “Giants” was first used, a 4-1 exhibition win over Jersey City on April 13, 1885 (the name “Giants” first appeared in a report of that game the following day).






[i] In later-published recollections, James Mutrie said his team was called the Chelsea “Dreadnaughts,” but several contemporary reports refer to the team as the “Auroras.”  See, for example, Peter Mancuso’s biography of Jim Mutrie written for the Society for American Baseball Research.  https://sabr.org/bioproj/person/430838fd
[ii]Boston Globe, October 21, 1872, page 5.
[iii]The King Philips were named for a Wampanoag Sachem named Metacomet, who adopted the name King Philip in his relations with early-American colonists; an early example of a Boston-area baseball team adopting a name relating to Native Americans.  Forty years later, in 1912, Boston’s National League team, originally known as the Red Stockings and frequently referred to as the Red Caps, Reds or Beaneaters, adopted the name Boston Braves. https://esnpc.blogspot.com/2016/11/tammany-hall-buck-buckenberger-and.html
[iv]Boston Globe, August 8, 1873, page 8 (“Tomorrow afternoon . . . the third and deciding game of the series for the amateur championship between the Chelseas and the Kiung Philips of East Abington will take place.”); Boston Globe, August 11, 1873, page 5 (“The King Philips of East Abington played a game with the Chelseas on the Boston Grounds, Saturday afternoon, and were victorious by a score of sixteen to seven.”).
[v]Boston Globe, July 12, 1875, page 5.
[vi]Boston Globe, August 2, 1875, page 5 (“Mr. Mutrie, Chelsea Club” umpires a game between the Unas of Charlestown and the Beacons).
[vii]Boston Globe, July 23, 1875, page 5 (“James Mutrie of Chelsea” umpires a game between Lowell and the Lynn Live Oaks).
[viii]New York Clipper, November 12, 1881, page 556.
[ix]Boston Globe, March 11, 1875, page 2 (“A special meeting of the national Association of Amateur Base Ball Players was held yesterday in the Revere House . . . .  The following clubs had applied for membership, and they were accepted: . . . Androscoggin of Lewiston, Me. . . . .”).
[x]New York Clipper, November 12, 1881, page 556.
[xi]Fitchburg Sentinel (Fitchburg, Massachusetts), February 1, 1877, page 3 (“Fall River base ball club has been declared the champions of New England for the season of 1876.  At the close of the season, it was the only club in condition to compete for the championship, all the other clubs having disbanded.”).
[xii]SeeCharlie Bevis’ biography of Frank Bancroft written for the Society of American Baseball Research. https://sabr.org/bioproj/person/48535bb7
[xiii]Boston Globe, November 21, 1878, page 1.
[xiv]The nickname “Giants” was so deeply ingrained in Detroit that when George Van Derbeck reintroduced major-league baseball to Detroit in 1894, local newspapers briefly revived the nickname “Giants,” with papers in other cities generally referring to them, derisively, as the “Creams,” in response to Van Derbeck’s pre-season boast that he was bringing with him the “Cream” of California baseball players, although that boast proved to be a bust.  See my earlier piece, “Angels and Tigers and Ducks, a Baseball Biography of George A. Van Derbeck.”  https://esnpc.blogspot.com/2019/04/angels-and-tigers-and-ducks-baseball.html
[xv]St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October 18, 1884, page 8.
[xvi]Boston Globe, June 1, 1879, page 1.
[xvii]Fitchburg Sentinel (Fitchburg, Massachusetts), June 3, 1879, page 3.
[xviii]Boston Globe, June 13, 1879, page 2.
[xix]Brooklyn Daily Eagle, September 4, 1879, page 3.
[xx]Boston Globe, November 9, 1879, page 2 (“Frank C. Bancroft has sold the hotel he has so successfully conducted here the past three years . . . and will enter the base ball field next year unencumbered by business cares.”).
[xxi]Boston Globe, December 13, 1879, page 4.
[xxii]Buffalo Morning Express, November 14, 1878, page 4.
[xxiii]Quad-City Times (Davenport, Iowa), May 3, 1880, page 4.
[xxiv]Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 22, 1880, page 3.
[xxv]Morning Journal-Courier (New Haven, Connecticut), June 24, 1880, page 2.
[xxvi]The Buffalo Sunday Morning News of June 27 (page 4) cited the Cincinnati Enquirer as the source of this information.
[xxvii]Laws of the State of New York, Passed at the Sessions, 1881, page 977.
[xxviii]New York Times, March 22, 1883, page 8.
[xxix]Times-Picayune, July 11, 1880, page 6.
[xxx]Cincinnati Enquirer, July 22, 1880, page 8.
[xxxi]Detroit Free Press, September 12, 1882, page 1 (“I went to Belmont, the banker.  Finally a man named Day, a prominent tobacconist, advanced me $100, and with that I formed the Metropolitans.”).
[xxxii]New York Daily Herald, February 22, 1877, page 4.
[xxxiii]Buffalo Commercial, October 27, 1880, page 3.
[xxxiv]Boston Globe, December 12, 1880, page 1.
[xxxv]Buffalo Morning Express, March 16, 1882, page 3.
[xxxvi]Brooklyn Daily Eagle, January 18, 1885, page 4.
[xxxvii]Boston Globe, December 18, 1880, page 6.
[xxxviii]Chicago Tribune, December 11, 1880, page 5.
[xxxix]Buffalo Morning Express, March 10, 1881, page 4.
[xl]Buffalo Morning Express, March 16, 1882, page 3.

Mutrie and the Maroons – Why New York’s National League Team Became the Giants

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“Giants” of the Game

The earliest unambiguous example of “Giants” as the nickname for New York’s National League baseball team appeared in a brief report of an exhibition game that took place in Jersey City the day before.

Gotham Giants in Jersey.

The New York Leaguers went to Jersey City yesterday and played the Eastern League team of that place. Mutrie's giants were in good form, but the Jerseys gave them a hard battle. The pleasure of witnessing Keefe's first appearance in the maroon stockings was reserved for the patrons of the Jersey grounds. Keefe was not in his regular position but in right field, where he did that little he was obliged to in a satisfactory manner. The new nickname of the League representatives of this city is quite expressive as that of "ponies," by which Mutrie's old friends, the Mets, are known. Giants though they are, however, they found difficulty in hitting Hughes's delivery safe, and made only eight base hits, while Dorgan was hit safely six times. The score by innings and summary follows:

New York World, 14 April 1885, page 3, column 3 (From Barry Popik’s Big Apple Etymological Dictionary). 

Less than two weeks later, a widely circulated news item announced the new name, among others.

The St. Louis League club will be known as the Maroons, the New Yorkers have been the Giants, Providence the Cripples and Chicago the Babies. –  [Exchange.]

Boston Globe, April 24, 1885, page 2.

The nickname caught on rapidly. 

No one at the time explained the reason for adopting the nickname.  Dozens of explanations appeared decades later, some of them clearly wrong with respect to some of the details.[i] 

Some say it was the size of the players, some the way they played.  Some credit manager James Mutrie, others credit a sportswriter.  Some say it happened in their first year in the National League in 1883, others in 1885 or 1888.  Some claim it was during a pennant race with Chicago, others during a game against Philadelphia.


Pittsburgh Sun-Telegraph, February 2, 1936, page 19.


Separating the wheat from the chaff, the most likely chain of events is that James Mutrie called them “giants” (in size and playing skill) fleetingly without any thought of naming the team, was overheard by a sportswriter named J. P. Donahue who took up the name and popularized in through use in his newspaper, the New York World, where it first appeared on April 14, 1885.  This conclusion is consistent with the fact that the earliest few examples of the name in print are from The New York World and supported by two early explanations of the origin, one directly from the horse’s mouth. 

Thirty-five years after the fact, James Mutrie remembered saying the name first, but remembered that “somebody took it up,” after which it caught on as a nickname. 

“Yes, I named the Giants myself,” he said with a chuckle.  “It was perfectly natural to call them that.  The boys were all tall in those days, because most of them were sluggers and they didn’t go in so much for speedy playing then.  It was a day when they were winning, and I looked out at them and said: ‘They’re giants in playing and in stature, too.’ Somebody took it up and they have been known as the Giants ever since.  There is nobody playing to-day like those old sluggers.”

New-York Tribune, September 3, 1921, page 16.

Boston Globe, February 13, 1925, page 13.

An earlier explanation of the name identified the “somebody” who took up the name as J. P. Donahue, the sports editor of the New York World, where the name first appeared.  

The New York Nationals were dubbed the "Giants" by the late P. Jay Donahue, who was the sporting editor of the New York World, in the summer of 1885, when that team was making a strenuous fight against the Chicago team for the championship. It was their deeds, and not their stature, as many rooters think, that was responsible for the name.

The Cincinnati Enquirer, August 21, 1910, sports section, page 3. 

While these stories may explain how the team became the “Giants” in April of 1885, they leave open two questions: why did the team need a new nickname after two years in the league, and why were they suddenly playing like “giants” after two relatively mediocre seasons, finishing 6th and 4th in an eight-team league? 


Why Not Maroons?

Although modern references generally refer to New York’s National League teams of 1883 and 1884 as the “New York Gothams,” they were not generally known as such at the time.  They were most commonly referred to simply as the “New Yorks,” but since “Gotham” is a synonym for “New York City,” sportswriters occasionally substituted “Gothams” for “New Yorks.”  The name was not considered a nickname or team name in the conventional sense.

But that’s not to say they didn’t have an informal nickname.  They were frequently referred to as the “Maroons” in reference to maroon trimmings on their uniforms.  The name even popped up a few times early in the 1885 season before the name “Giants” became more commonplace.

The maroons got back at the [Providence] grays in great style to-day.

New York Times, June 4, 1884, page 5.

The Maroons had the right to select another umpire and chose one of their own players.

Buffalo Commercial, September 27, 1884, page 3.

Roger Connor, of the Maroons, . . . has a percentage of 325 in five years’ playing, and he improves like wine with age.

Buffalo Times, April 8, 1885, page 1.

Maroons they were and Maroons they might have stayed, but for the admission of another new team into the League in 1885 – the St. Louis Maroons.  The St. Louis Maroons had played under that name in the Union League the previous season, but needed a new home when that league folded at the end of the season.  The National League was happy to oblige, as the St. Louis Browns of the American Association had demonstrated the potential profits to be had in the city. 

With two “Maroons” in one league, something had to give.  Luckily, New York’s fortunes were looking up – they had reason to believe that they would improve from also-rans to “giants” of the League.  A new name soon followed.


Why Giants?

The name “Giants” first appeared in a pre-season exhibition match with a minor opponent.  It’s not surprising they looked like giants in comparison, but they had good reason to believe that they could be League “giants” in the upcoming season.  It wasn’t just wishful thinking.  The roster had improved, drastically as a result of some good old-fashioned double-dealing, insider trading, and a secret business trip to Bermuda – all through the efforts of James Mutrie.

When James Mutrie switched teams from the original Metropolitans to the new Metropolitans of the American Association before the 1883 season, his business partner John B. Day took over management of the renamed New Yorks in the National League.  In his first two seasons in the American Association, Mutrie led the Mets to a 4th place finish in 1883 and 1stplace in 1884.  Day, on the other hand, plodded through two seasons in 6th and 4th place. 

But despite their poor showing, New York’s National League team made much more money.  The National League is said to have attracted a better class of patron.  They charged twice as much for admission (50 cents, as opposed to 25 cents), which kept out the riff-raff, and did not serve alcoholic drinks, which kept out the drunken riff-raff.

They pay big salaries and an immense ground rent. . . .  Both the New York League and Metropolitan Clubs have been playing until recently on these grounds, which are divided by a fence, and in every instance, when both clubs played on the same day, the League team drew by far the largest audience, leaving the Mets but a handful of people.

The Times(Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), August 24, 1884, page 3.

To address the problem, the Metropolitan Exhibition Company, the Metropolitans and the New Yorks all conspired amongst themselves to improve their collective fortunes by transferring the champion manager, best hitter and best pitcher from the pennant-winning Mets of the American Association to the money-winning New Yorks of the National League.

Since the two teams were controlled by the same ownership group, one might imagine it would be a simple thing to just move players from one team to the other.  But little was simple in professional baseball between the 1884 and 1885 seasons.  The National League and American Association were negotiating a baseball treaty to avoid inter-league competition for players, keep down player costs, and to make player contracts more predictable to put all of the teams on a more stable business footing. 

The fruit of those negotiations was the so-called “National Agreement,” an overarching document governing the business of baseball that still controls the game today.  The National Agreement introduced the “reserve rule,” a system in which teams could reserve the exclusive right to renew contracts year-to-year with players already under contract, without the risk that another team could seduce them away with a higher salary. 

At the time, the “reserve rule” was commonly referred to as the “ten-man rule,” because it limited teams’ reserve lists to ten players – all of other players being free agents from one season to the next.  When a team “released” a player from a contract or from its “reserve list,” they sent a notice to the league offices where they maintained a running list of reserved players and released players.  In turn, the league offices sent out notices to all other teams when players were available.  Teams could not sign a player until ten days had elapsed, to give all teams a fair chance to learn about the player’s availability and deal with them on an equal basis. 

There were no such rules for manager, however.  Mutrie’s move from the Mets to the New Yorks seemed certain before the New Year.[ii] By the end of January, rumors were already swirling that Mutrie would bring the Mets’ big slugger, third-baseman “Dude” Esterbrook, and their future hall-of-famer, pitcher Tim Keefe, with him.[iii]  In return, New York would transfer pitcher Ed Bagley and third-baseman Frank Hankinson to the Metropolitans.

Tim Keefe and "Dude" Esterbrook, Leslies Illustrated, July 10, 1886, page 325.

James Mutrie finally pulled the trigger on March 26, 1885.  Acting as manager of the Metropolitans, he released Tim Keefe and “Dude” Esterbrook, after which they all promptly disappeared.

Keefe and Esterbrook Hid Away.

New York, March 26. – The Metropolitan Exhibition Company to-day released Keefe and Esterbrook, of the Metropolitan Club . . . .  This is the first move toward the transfer of these players . . . to the New York Club. . . .  As soon as these players received their release they at once disappeared from the city, and the closest search failed to find where they have gone.

Cincinnati Enquirer, March 27, 1885, page 2.


But Mutrie did not leave town unnoticed. Someone spotted him on the deck of a steamer leaving New York Harbor.  Knowing that his star players would be hot-tickets on the open market, he had purchased some hot tickets of his own, taking his star players on a cruise to Bermuda (mistakenly reported as Havana) – away from the prying eyes and eager checkbooks of meddling baseball managers looking to improve their roster.

It appears that the two ball tossers, immediately after receiving their release, were provided with tickets to Havana.  The steamer had hardly left her moorings when Manager Mutrie of the New Yorks emerged from the cabin.  The three gentlemen are by this time enjoying the sunny climate of Cuba.  At the proper time- that is, after the ten days’ limit has expired, they will return to New York.

Boston Globe, April 1, 1885, page 3.

Two weeks later, on April 12, 1885, Mutrie reappeared, this time as manager of the New Yorks of the National League, his new acquisitions in tow, just in time to play an exhibition game in Jersey City the following day.

The roster changes likely gave James Mutrie good reason to believe his team might be “giants in playing, as well as in stature” in the new season.  No longer the also-rans of 1884, they now had the best hitter and the best pitcher from the previous season’s pennant winners in the American Association; in exchange, they had only lost Bagley and Hankinson.

In 58 appearances for the Metropolitans in 1884, Tim Keefe won 37 and lost 17, with an ERA of 2.25.  Ed Bagley, the pitcher who swapped roster spots with Keefe, won 12 and lost 18 in 31 appearances for the New Yorks that year (his first year in the majors), with an ERA of 4.16.  That’s a potential 27-game swing with similar performances on their new teams in 1885 – a “giant” difference. 

Keefe upheld his end of the bargain with the New York Giants in 1885, winning 32 and losing only 13, with an improved ERA of 1.58.  Bagley made only 14 appearances for the Mets in 1885, with 4 wins, 9 losses and an ERA of 4.93.  Tim Keefe is now in the Hall of Fame, Ed Bagley never made it back to the majors.

“Dude” Esterbrook had 150 hits (.314) in 112 games at third base for the Metropolitans in 1884.  His counterpart, Frank Hankinson, had 90 hits (.231) in 105 games at third base for the New Yorks; a potential difference of 60 hits with similar performances in 1885 – a “giant” step up. 

Esterbrook didn’t quite live up to his billing, but still got more hits in fewer games for New York in 1885 (92 hits in 88 games, .256) than Hankinson did for the Mets (81 hits, 94 games, .224), so it was still a “giant” improvement.

As a team the newly named New York Giants made giant strides in 1885, improving from 4th place with a record of 62-50 in 1884 to 2nd place with a record of 85-27, just two games behind the champion Chicago White Stockings, spending most of the first month of the season in first place and coming within a half-game of first toward the end of August.

The New York Giants regressed in 1886 and 1887, finishing 3rd and 4th respectively, before winning the pennant two seasons in a row in 1888 and 1889, finally earning their new nickname.

The roster moves brought New York’s National League team a nice new nickname, but Mutrie’s and Day’s names were now “Mudd,” at least within the ranks of the American Association executives who dealt with the aftermath of the roster moves at their spring meetings.  They also threatened the National League with baseball war, even if the moves were technically legal under the National Agreement. 

The case of the Metropolitans for transferring Keefe and Esterbrook to the League was taken up, and the Metropolitans fined $500 and Mutrie expelled.  Resolutions were adopted to be presented to the League Committee setting forth that the American Association will respect the League rule no longer, and that if the League wants peace, it must ask for it. 

Decatur Herald(Decatur, Illinois), April 29, 1885, page 1.

Dark Clouds Gathering.

There is everything to indicate that the action of the American Association at the recent meeting will result in a bitter war.  Mr. Day, of the Metropolitan Exhibition Company, feels that he has been grossly insulted, and it does look as if the expelling of Jim Mutrie and the fining of the Mets was a direct slap at him.  It is generally conceded, too, that the action of the association was unjust, for the Mets violated no National agreement or American Association rules, and when Mutrie took the talented ball players to the Bermudas he was simply acting under the orders of the exhibition company.  It is therefore, not right that he should suffer.

Indianapolis Sentinel, May 1, 1885, page 4.

There were unrelated problems in baseball at the time that also threatened peaceful coexistence in baseball.   But if the New York Giants’ name was influenced, at least in part, by questionable roster moves that fanned the flames of a possible baseball war, it has something in common with other famous baseball team nicknames. 

The Pittsburgh Pirates, for instance, became “Pirates” shortly after their owner pirated several players in questionable (yet perfectly legal) roster moves, earning himself the nickname, “The Pirate King,” first sung to the tune of “The Pirate King” song in The Pirates of Penzance.  See my earlier piece, The Pittsburgh Pirates of Penzance – the Dramatic and Musical Origin of the Pittsburgh Pirates’ Team Name.

The St. Louis Cardinals were named for a new uniform color they adopted when their owner, in a move similar to what Mutrie did with only two players, swapped the entire rosters of the Cleveland Spiders and the St. Louis Browns, both of which were held under common ownership.  The Browns were a bad, yet profitable team in a great baseball town.  The Spiders were a successful, yet unprofitable team in a difficult baseball town – the primary complaints being the inability to play baseball on Sundays and sell beer at the stadium.  See my earlier piece, Sunday Baseball and the Cleveland Spiders - How the St. Louis Browns Became the Cardinals.


Earlier Giants?

Anyone who chooses to poke around online, searchable newspaper archives might run across a couple or a few examples of the word “Giants” with reference to a major league team from New York City. 

Two instances appear with respect to the New Yorks of the National League, one in 1883 the other in 1884.  Both cases appear to be a one-off example of the word “giant” to refer to the team’s abilities, although in one instance, it may be meant ironically with mocking derision.  If either of these two examples were evidence that the nickname preceded Mutrie’s move from the Mets to the Giants in 1885, it would upset the nearly universal attribution of the name to Mutrie since they occurred while he was still managing the Metropolitans in the American Association, not the National League team that would eventually become the Giants.

[For more information on the interconnected early histories of the New York Metropolitans and the New York Giants, see my piece, “Mets Might Be Giants, an Alternative History of the New York Giants.”]

A third example relates to Mutrie’s American Association Mets in 1884, but it appears to refer to both teams as “giants,” the two teams then battling it out for first place in the Association.  If this example were evidence that the name “Giants” applied to Mutrie’s Mets in 1884, it would turn the whole world upside down.

When New York’s National League team faced the Chicago in early-August of 1883, for example, they were sitting in sixth place (in an eight-team league), thirteen games out of first (Chicago was in third place, two-and-a-half games back) – hardly “giants,” unless intended as ironically derisive.  Curiously, however, it appeared in Chicago, one of the cities that routinely referred to their own team by the name “Giants,”[iv]so it seems unlike they used the name as a general nickname for New York.


Chicago Tribune, August 3, 1883, page 7.

When New York faced Buffalo in a National League contest early in the 1884 season, New York was in first place and Buffalo in sixth, in which case the descriptive use of the name would make sense.  Buffalo newspapers regularly referred to the team as “Maroons” in 1884, and this is the only example of “Giant” I have seen.


Buffalo Times, May 16, 1884, page 1.

A more obviously generic, descriptive use of “giants” with respect to a New York team appeared later that same season, but in relation to James Mutrie’s American Association Metropolitans, not the National League team that would become the “Giants” a few months later.  Heading into a late-season struggle with the Columbus Buckeyes, the Metropolitans and Buckeyes had the most and second-most number of wins in the league[v], making “giants” an apt description of both teams.

At Columbus, Sept. 21, the giants met and the game was witnessed by the largest crowd of the season, who witnessed a most exciting game.

The Sporting Life, October 1, 1884, page 3.

Summary

During spring training in 1885, the New York Maroons were given a new nickname shortly after the St. Louis Maroons joined the League.  James Mutrie had just returned from a trip to Bermuda.  Before leaving, as manager of the Metropolitans, he released two stars from his American Association pennant-winning team of 1882.  Before returning, as manager of the New York National League team, he signed those same two stars to his new team.  It was a big improvement to the team – some might say a giant improvement. 

During the team’s first exhibition game after his return, a 4-1 win at Jersey City on April 13, 1885, Mutrie may have described the team as “giants in playing and in stature,” and may have been overheard by J. P. Donahue of the New York World.  The next day, the New York World published the first-known example of the team’s new nickname, “Giants,” in print.








[i]Several examples are collected on the New York Giants page of Barry Popik’s Big Apple Etymological Dictionary.
[ii]Brooklyn Daily Eagle, December 28, 1884, page 9.
[iii]Brooklyn Daily Eagle, January 25, 1885, page 9.
[iv]The Chicago White Stockings were regularly referred to as the “Giants” in the mid-1879s and still, on occasion, as late as 1880. See my piece, “Mets Might Be Giants, an Alternative History of the New York Giants.”
[v]The Metropolitans were in first place by three games over Louisville, but Columbus was technically in third place, a half-game behind Louisville, despite having one more win, due to having played two more games with two more losses.

Nadjy's Legs and Skinny Arms - Why Cleveland Became the Spiders

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The Cleveland Indians of the American League of American baseball retired their longtime mascot, Chief Wahoo, from on-field use before the 2019 season.  The decision came after a years-long, protracted debate about the “political correctness” of the image and of the nickname itself.  For now, the team continues to be known as the Indians, a name they’ve used officially since 1915.  But with the passing of Chief Wahoo, the nickname’s days may be numbered.

In the event of a change, Cleveland’s fans do not have to look far for a less controversial alternative with even deeper roots in Cleveland – the “Spiders,” a name first applied to Cleveland’s National League team in 1889 and occasionally used with respect to the current American League team during the early years of the franchise.

The name, “Spiders,” referred to team’s spindly look in their new black, tight-fitting “Nadjy”-style uniforms at the start of the 1889 season.[i]  The name persisted even after they changed uniforms, and the team enjoyed great success under that name throughout most of the 1890s, including competing in two post-season Temple Cup Series, winning once in 1895. 

A later uniform change, to a deep red or “cardinal” hue, just before the team’s wholesale transfer to St. Louis in 1899, seems to have played a role in the naming of St. Louis’ National League team, the St. Louis Cardinals.  For more details on that name, see my earlier post on “How the St. Louis Browns Became the Cardinals.”

The remnants of the old St. Louis Browns played out the 1899 season in Cleveland as the “Spiders” before folding its tents.  So when Cleveland fielded a team in the upstart American League, the name was a natural fit.  Sportswriters occasionally referred to the new American League team as the “Spiders,” mixing it in with other informal nicknames, the “Blues,” “Bluebirds,” “Lake Shores,” and even the “Bronchos.”

Beginning in 1904 and lasting for nearly a decade, Cleveland’s American League team was most commonly known as the “Naps,” in honor of Napoleon “Nap” Lajoie who assumed the position of manager in 1904.  When he left the team before the 1915 season, the “Naps” needed a new nickname.

But for a little known quirk of fate involving the minor league Toledo Mudhens of the American Association, the Cleveland Indians might just as easily have been renamed the “Spiders” and not the “Indians” in 1915.  The Toledo Mudhens moved from Toledo to Cleveland in 1914 where they were commonly referred to as the “Spiders.” 

At pre-season meeting before the 1915 season, a group of club officials (the Naps and Spiders were under common ownership) and sportswriters decreed that the erstwhile Mudhens would remain the Cleveland “Spiders” and the American League team would become the “Indians.”

The “Spiders” moved back to Toledo in 1916 and reclaimed their traditional name, the “Mudhens,” a name still in use in Toledo to this day.  The Indians stayed in Cleveland and kept the new name.  Who knows what might have happened if the Mudhens had just stayed in Toledo.  The name “Spiders” might have been available, and they might have been given that name instead of “Indians.” 

It’s not a certainty, however, as Cleveland’s American League team had been occasionally referred to as “Indians” even during its years as the “Naps,” and even the original Cleveland Spiders had been regularly referred to as Indians during the 1890s, even before they famously signed Louis Sockalexis, the talented Penobscot Indian phenom from Maine and Holy Cross College, whose star shone brightly and briefly, until he succumbed to the debilitating effects of alcoholism.

But that’s a whole ‘nuther story.  For more details on the early use of “Indians” as a baseball nickname in Cleveland, see my earlier post, The Cleveland Spiders and "Tebeau's Indians" - why Cleveland's Baseball Team are the "Indians".

As for the origin of the name “Spiders,” it is a reference to how the team looked in their new, tight-fitting black uniforms that season.  The name may also have resonated with, or have been reinforced by several earlier associations between and among Cleveland, spiders and baseball.

Earlier Cleveland Spiders

Puck, Volume 73, 1913 (precise date unknow).
 

“Will you walk into my parlor?” said the spider to the fly;
    “Tis the prettiest little parlor that ever you did spy.
The way into my parlor is up a winding stair,
    And I have many pretty things to show you when you are there.”
“Oh no, no,” said the little fly, “To ask me is in vain,
    For who goes up your winding stair can ne’er come down again.”

The first stanza of, The Spider and the Fly: A Fable, Mary Howitt (1827)


The Spider and the Fly

References to Mary Howitt’s poem, The Spider and the Fly: a Fable (1827) were common in American political discourse of the late-1800s, with one politician or the other cast in the role of the dangerous fly, seducing an unsuspecting fly into their web with promises or flattery, only to devour them in the end.  One such prominent politician who got the spider-and-the-fly treatment was Grover Cleveland, who defeated Republican James Blaine in 1884 and was defeated by Benjamin Harrison in 1888.

In one such ditty, Grover Cleveland was the “Cleveland Spider” to a fly named “Benjamin,” presumably Benjamin Butler (not Harrison), the Greenback Party nominee for President in 1884.  Butler had been elected Governor of Massachusetts with Democratic support, and Cleveland is said to have tempted him to cross over to his side with promises of some cabinet post.
 
“Will you walk into my parlor, Ben?”
    The Cleveland spider said;
“You shall have a piece of white house cake
    As large as your dear head.”

“Oh, no!” said the artful Benjamin,
    With a soft and subtle smile,
“I’m a fly that never takes a piece,
    When I can scoop the pile.”

The Richmond Item (Richmond, Indiana), August 21, 1884, page 4.

Years later, at a time after Cleveland’s baseball team was already known as the Spiders, similar imagery was used with respect to their efforts to ensnare the league pennant.

The Cleveland Spiders may not catch that “fly,” but they are weaving a large-sized cobweb around the pennant.

Cincinnati Enquirer, August 4, 1889, page 13.

If flies were in season those living would have cause to remember yesterday until their dying hour as the occasion on which their natural enemies, the Spiders, received the greatest throw-down in history.

Housewives may have swept down webs and killed off the insects by the score, but the job that was done yesterday was the most complete and finished slaughter that has ever overtaken the spider family.  They were smashed, squeezed, bruised, beaten, slugged, mopped up, banged, bunged, kicked, swatted and pounded until at the close they resembled a band of bedbugs after a hard tussle with a can of insect powder.  In fact, they dropped so low in the insect scale that a mess of kitchen cockroaches wouldn’t be caught speaking to them.  A daddy longlegs would have died rather than recognize them, and a “thousand-legger” would have given up a few hundred feet to get out of their way.

The far-famed Spiders will hereafter be found in the midget or gnat class, and may hope some time to rise to the dignity of mosquitoes.  The 17,000 “rooters” for the [Cincinnati] Reds, who stood up yesterday at the end of the ninth inning to send aloft a victorious shout, can now appreciate exactly how Napoleon Bonaparte looked after the battle of Waterloo.

Cincinnati Enquirer, April 22, 1895, page 2. 


Sports

The sporting press in Cleveland, Ohio would have been familiar with the name, “Cleveland Spider,” during the year and months before the baseball team became known by that name in May 1889.

In 1886, an Irish-born featherweight boxer named Ike Weir burst onto the American boxing scene.  By 1889, he claimed the featherweight championship of the world.  Ike Weir was widely known by his colorful nickname, the “Belfast Spider.” 

Minneapolis Star Tribune, January 29, 1928, page 22.

The name conjured images of the boxer’s wiry, featherweight arms flailing about as his slender legs danced about the ring.  Seventy-five years before Cassius Clay (and later Muhammed Ali) famously shuffled his feet and floated like a butterfly in the ring, the “Belfast Spider” was known to dance Irish jigs during his fights.

Minneapolis Star Tribune, January 29, 1928, page 22.


In 1888, presumably in imitation of Weir, a local Cleveland featherweight named Sam Eaton fought under the name, the “Cleveland Spider.”

 
Sam Eaton, the “Cleveland Spider” wants to fight either Ridge or Kelly, of this city.  Eaton defeated Jay Fay, of Indianapolis in a 10-round glove contest at Cleveland on Tuesday night.

Pittsburgh Daily Post (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), January 26, 1888, page 6.

Eaton would become the featherweight champion of Ohio, but his professional career did not live up to his namesake.  The final reference to him by that name appeared nine months after the first, and about eight months before the baseball team adopted the name. 

On April 21st of this year . . . [Jack Smith] fought “Sam” Eaton, the “Cleveland Spider” to a draw in twenty-five rounds . . . .

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), September 2, 1888, page 7.


Baseball Jokes
 

“You should be a baseball player,” said the beetle to the spider.
“Why so?” inquired the latter.
“You’re so good at catching flies.”
“True, but I’d fall a victim to the fowls.”
And he went behind the bat.

Life, Volume 12, Number 289, July 12, 1888, page 26.

This joke appeared in print dozens of times in newspapers throughout the country in the weeks and months after its initial appearance in Life Magazinein July of 1888. 

More than a year later, after Cleveland had become the “Spiders,” variants of the joke occasionally referred to the team.

The Cleveland “Spiders” don’t seem to be able to catch any Boston “flies.”

Harrisburg Telegraph (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), October 2, 1889, page 1.
                                                                                              
The original joke was not specifically related to Cleveland, but it does suggest a thematic connection between spiders and baseball which may explain how and why the name stuck to Cleveland, even though the more direct source of the name was more embarrassing than flattering, and not at all related to baseball. 


Nadjy

The great actress, Lillian Russell, as Etelka in a revival of Nadjy at the Casino in New York City in 1889.[ii]

The opera or operetta, Nadjy, had its New York premier on May 14, 1888.  Princess Etelka is the  ward of the Emperor of Austria.  The Emperor plots her marriage to Count Rosen, but her heart belongs to Rakoczy and the Count loves Nadjy, a dancer with the Vienna Opera.  Before the final curtain drops, Etelka marries the Count (technically fulfilling her guardian’s wishes), gets an annulment, elopes with Rakoczy and is proclaimed Queen of Hungary. 

But while the score and libretto were roundly criticized, the exposed legs in black tights received rave reviews.

[T]he gem of the opera is undoubtedly the dance at the end of the second act, which alone would make “Nadjy” worth seeing.  Miss Jansen appeared in a short black net ballet dress, with pretty black silk stockings – if you will pardon me – and sweet little black boots. . . .  First she bent one dimpled elbow to touch her head, and then the other.  At that moment one black-clad foot threw the gauzy blackness of her dress in clouds around her, just as she had brought the other from a similar pursuit to repose.  At last, casting measured steps to the winds, she broke into a wildly vivacious dance, carrying all before her, seemingly inspiring the coryphées beside her to do likewise, and bringing down the curtain with a storm of applause.

The Evening World, May 15, 1888, page 3.
 
Marie Jansen as Nadjy, a ballet dancer of the Vienna Opera House, in Nadjy. Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1888, page 26.

[T]o behold Marie Jansen in ballet skirts, and black ballet skirts, too – this, this, by all that dudedom holds sacred, is a surprise indeed.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1888, page 26.

Marie Jansen as Nadjy.

The theater invited a convention of Methodist ministers to attend a performance free of charge.  There’s no indication that they accepted, but one reviewer imagined the scene what might have happened if they had.

Fancy a couple of hundred clerical gentlemen in sober mien entering the gaudy portals of the Casino just as Marie Jansen bowled on the stage as the ballet premier, robed in a suit of black tights, black abbreviated skirts and a brief black bodice!

Evening Star(Washington DC), May 26, 1888, page 2.

Marie Jansen as Nadjy.



Another reviewer described the costumes in terms that might have scared the ministers away.

The black ballet costume, made notorious by much comment, which Jansen wears in the second act, is certainly unique of its kind, suggestive of his satanic Majesty disguised in feminine flesh, black tights and tulle.

The Indianapolis Journal, November 25, 1888, page 12.

The legs dominated the attention of reviewers, to the dismay of Isabelle Urqhart who played the role of Princess Etelka in the original New York production of Nadjy.  The character of Etelka was not a dancer, but she did masquerade as a man, giving her the chance to flaunt her legs in high boots and a Hungarian soldier’s tight pants.

I made my appearance in “Nadjy” after considerable careful preparation.  I am very ambitious to get on in my profession, so I studied the part earnestly, though out the business and attended laboriously to every detail. . . .

Well, the first night of “Nadjy” came.  And the next morning came, too, and with the next morning came the papers.  What did the papers say about my performance?  Did they say anything about my acting?  Did they recognize that I had done any hard preparatory work at all?  Did they give me one word of encouragement?  Not a word.  The sum and substance of their criticism was this:

“Look at Urquhart’s legs!”

The St. Paul Globe, July 29, 1888, page 13.

Isabella Urquhart as Etelka, in the original New York production of Nadjy. St. Paul Globe, July 29, 1888, page 13.



But as racy as Nadjy was for its day, it didn’t keep the new First Lady or the Korean ambassador away when it came to Washington DC a year later.




In the second act Nadjy comes out in the startling costume of a ballet dancer, her dress, or rather lack of it, being those famous black tights, black skirts and black bodice, which have caused such comment all over the country.

Mrs. Harrison evidently knew what was coming and discreetly withdrew to a less conspicuous place, from where she watched Marie Jansen’s graceful dancing with evident pleasure.

In the adjoining box were the members of the Corean legation and the wives of the minister and the first secretary, the first appearance of these ladies at a public entertainment.

Between the acts the curtains dividing the boxes were thrown back and the Coreans held a conversation with the presidential party.

Boston Globe, March 16, 1889, page 2.


Nadjy Uniforms

A “Nadjy” uniform on Oakland’s 1892 team.  San Francisco Examiner, August 15, 1892, page 4.

About two months after Nadjy’s premier, the New York Giants donned new uniforms of a radical new style – all black, with white belts and tight, form-fitting pants.  The new style may not have been specifically inspired by the opera, but they immediately called to mind the look of the tights worn in Nadjy. 

The new uniform style quickly caught on, and everywhere it appeared, it was called a “Nadjy.”

Next week [the New York Giants] will blaze forth in a uniform that Jim Mutrie says will knock the town silly.  It will consist of black jersey shirts and knee pants [(other descriptions referred to them as “tights”[iii])].  The words “New York” will appear on the shirt in white letters.  A black cap and belt will complete the rig.  The suit has already been christened “The Nadjy” uniform.  Johnnie Ward says that hereafter the team will be called “The Happy Hottentots,” instead of the time-worn appellation of the Giants. 

The Times(Philadelphia), July 22, 1888, page 16.

A member of the New York Giants in “Nadjy” uniform for these images published in 1892.[iv]

Illustrated American, Volume 11, June 25, 1892, pages 268 and 270.

Not everyone liked the “despised” Nadjys, but the players liked them because they brought them luck.  The New York Giants won their first-ever National League pennant and World Series in 1888, their first season in Nadjys.  They would repeat the feat in 1889.

It is a singular fact that success and the maroon color never traveled in the same base-ball teams. . . .  New York wore the maroon season after season and never won the championship until it dropped the color and selected the despised black Nadjys.

Kansas City Gazette, June 21, 1889, page 4.

The Giants’ players liked the uniforms enough to bring them with them when most of the team abandoned the National League to play in the player-owned Players’ League in its only year of existence in 1890.  They broke out the Nadjys in mid-season and they worked their magic.  But not everyone looked good in the tight uniforms, as reported by a very literate sportswriter who threw in references to Hamlet, King Arthur, fatted calves, Lillian Russell and the dancing chorus girls of “Nadjy,” all while tossing around big fat words like avoirdupois and adipose. 

But, ooh, that John Ewing, he was a looker!!!

The black “Nadjys” are a success.  Out of the most mournful-looking fabric which it is possible for the human mind to conceive Keefe & Becannon have manufactured a mascot[v]that has lifted the Giants up another rung on the ladder of fame.  When the boys came out on the field this afternoon they looked like nine Hamlets, or better still, like a squad of those dark ghosts which rowed the dying King Arthur over the mystic sea from Camelot.

They were Hamlets without Hamlet’s mental warp.  They were ghosts in everything but arvoirdupois.  They moved like spirits over the green face of nature, but every one of them would have made a penny weighing-machine shriek with agony.  But stay – there was one among them who looked like an airy, fairy Lillian in disguise. 

Did anybody ever see John Ewing in a Nadjy uniform?  If not it is well worth a journey out into the wild, wooly West to see him sporting round, far from his native heath, in all the abandon of a skirt dancer without the skirts.  From the sausage-like fullness of Crane’s fatted calves to the graceful contour of John’s Nadjy loins is a range of adipose tissue that fills the gamut of human physique. 

New York World, July 22, 1890, page 2.

Many other professional, semi-professional and amateur teams adopted the “Nadjy” style over the next few years, and some of them looked good in them.  The Oakland Colonels of the California League, for example, looked good in their Nadjys in 1892.  But they didn’t bring the same kind of luck – Oakland lost the game 10-3.

A “Nadjy” on right-fielder, “Big” Bill Brown of the Oakland Colonels of the California League.
 
The friends from across the water looked very pretty in their Nadjy uniforms, but their appearance, although it delighted the occupants of the bleacheries, did not cut any figure in the score.

San Francisco Examiner, August 15, 1892, page 4.


Cleveland’s new National League team donned the Nadjys in their first season in the league.  They looked “peculiar” – and a new nickname was born.


The Cleveland “Spiders”

The New York Giants may have looked silly in their tight, black uniforms because of too much “adipose tissue,” but the Cleveland Spiders looked “peculiar” in theirs for the opposite reason – not enough.


Harry Clay Palmer, Athletic Sports in America, England and Australia, Philadelphia, Hubbard Brothers, page 62.

The earliest-known example of the name, “Cleveland Spiders,” in print explains the genesis of the name.  Coincidentally, and perhaps prophetically, the same headline refers to a team from another city (Indianapolis) as the “Indians.”

THE “SPIDERS.”

What League Teams Need Expect from the “Baby”[vi]– Radford’s Proverbial Luck – The Indians’ Dirty Ball – Loftus’ Sage Conclusion, Etc.

Cleveland, O., May 18. – Editor Sporting Life: - The Cleveland Spiders – so called on account of their peculiar appearance in their suits of black and blue – are in the East fighting their way along as well as ever a new team fought.

Sporting Life, Volume 13, Number 7, May 22, 1889, page 5.

A later explanation revealed what was so “peculiar” about the uniforms. 

When Cleveland selected the Nadjy a few years ago there were several slims in the team and they were called “The Spiders.” 

Topeka Daily Capital, August 16, 1891, page 11.

The name was not an immediate hit.  Some local sportswriters apparently proposed a different nickname, the “Blues,” a revival of a name used by earlier Cleveland teams in the 1870s.

It was an appellation that made the aesthetic residents of the Forest City squirm, and they rebelled against it.  Cleveland journals raised their hands in boycott, and nowadays “Patsy Boliver’s Blues”[vii]comes nearer to filling the bill.

Topeka Daily Capital, August 16, 1891, page 11.

But despite their efforts, the name stuck – as if caught in a web. 

A “Spider” catching a fly?[viii]

The name may have stuck, but the team didn't last.  In 1899, the team’s owner traded nearly the entire team to St. Louis for entire roster of the underperforming St. Louis Browns.  He could do it because he owned both franchises; he needed a good team in St. Louis where baseball was profitable, and his bad team in Cleveland, where earnings were low despite the team’s success, in part due to local resistance to playing on Sundays and selling beer at the stadium. 

The downgraded Spiders spent the 1899 season setting records for futility that still stand today, before folding at the end of the season.

With the old Spiders out of the way, and since baseball abhors a vacuum, a new team came to town in 1900 with a new-old name and a new league.


Cleveland Blues/Naps

Between the 1899 and 1900 seasons, the minor league Western League rebranded itself as the American League.  At about the same time, the Grand Rapids Rustlers of that league moved to Cleveland, donned blue uniforms and rebranded themselves the “Blues” or sometimes the “Lake Shores.”  In 1905, under new manager Napoleon Lajoie, the team became most widely known as the “Naps” for the next decade.

For fifteen seasons, despite one dominant name or the other, older, alternate nicknames kept cropping up for year.

Sometimes they were the “Lake Shores,” although mostly only during their first season in Cleveland.

Inter Ocean(Chicago), July 27, 1900, page 8.


 Sometimes the “Indians.”


Boston, June 15. – By a curious reversal of form the Champions turned about yesterday and administered a defeat to the Cleveland Indians in a pretty contest, by the score of two to one . . .

The Barre Daily Times (Barre, Vermont), June 15, 1905, page 2.

In 1905, Boston had an “off day” and the Cleveland “Indians” took both ends of a double-header from them, 5-1 and 9-0.  A Boston cartoonist imagined an early forerunner of Chief Wahoo whooping “Whoo-oo-oo-oo-oo-oop” – not “Wahoo.”  For more background on the history of Chief Wahoo, see my earlier piece, “Patent Medicine and Baseball – Wahoo’s Deep Roots in Cleveland.”





“It’s bad enough to kill a gent and scalp him – jumping on the remains is pure Indian diabolism.”

Boston Globe, July 21, 1904, page 5.


Sometimes the “Spiders.”

Washington Times, August 5, 1902, page 4.

Cleveland’s spiders worked hard yesterday but “Cy” Young’s crooked throws and two fast double plays gave the honors to Captain Collins and his company [Boston].

Minneapolis Journal, June 26, 1901, page 12.


Sometimes the “Blues.”
 
News-Leader(Springfield, Missouri), June 24, 1914, page 5.



Sometimes the “Blue Birds.”

The Cleveland Blue Birds of the American League, won in easy fashion from the Reds yesterday afternoon.

Dayton Herald(Dayton, Ohio), April 9, 1907, page 12.

And sometimes two different names at once.



The Orioles had the game well in hand today up to the eighth inning when the Spiders found Lawson, the McGraw young twirler, and touched him up for five runs, enough to win.

Washington Times, June 1, 1902, page 10.

In 1914, the Toledo Mudhens of the minor league American Association moved to Cleveland, abandoned their old, Toledo-specific nickname and took on a well-known Cleveland baseball nickname, the “Spiders.” 

“Spiders” Start South Tomorrow.

CLEVELAND, Ohio, March 3. – The “Spiders,” Cleveland’s new American Association team, erstwhile Toledo Mudhens, were congregating in Cincinnati today, enroute to Americus, Ga., for spring training.

The Daily Gate City (Keokuk, Iowa), March 3, 1914, page 9.

Cleveland Spiders, erstwhile Mudhens. Wichita Beacon (Kansas), August 4, 1914, page 4.

Interestingly, the same man, Charles Somer, owned both teams.  He even coordinated the home schedules of both teams so that they never played at home on the same day and Cleveland would have as many baseball days as possible.[ix]

They played in Cleveland under that name for just two seasons, but it was at a time that may have played a role in the town’s American League team becoming the “Indians.”

Cleveland’s long-time manager Napoleon “Nap” Lajoie left the team after the 1914 season, leaving the Cleveland “Naps” in need of a new nickname. If not for the erstwhile Mudhens in town already using the name of the beloved, old “Spiders” of the 1890s, who’s to say what might have happened.  But after a meeting of sportswriters and team executives, it was decreed that the American League team would be “Indians” and the American Association team would remain the “Spiders.”
  
Cleveland “Indians.”

Cleveland, January 17. – The Cleveland American league baseball team will hereafter be known as the “Indians,” it was decided yesterday afternoon at a meeting of club officals and baseball writers.  The nMe "Naps" became obsoltet when Napoleon Lajoie went to the Athletics.  It was also decided at the meeting to agree on “Spiders” as a name for the Cleveland American association team.

Altoona Tribune (Pennsylvania), January 18, 1915, page 6.

No one explained the reason for choosing the name, but Cleveland’s National League team had been known on occasion as the Indians at least as early as 1885 (two seasons before signing Native-American phenom Louis Sockalexis), and writers had continued referring to the team as “Indians” throughout the early years of Cleveland’s American League team.  It’s purely speculation, but the fact that the National League’s Boston Braves had just won the World Series in 1914 could have played a role in the decision.

But whatever the reason, it is impossible to say what they would have been named if “Nap” Lajoie had left the team earlier or the Mudhens had simply stayed in Toledo.

And who’s to say what name the Cleveland Indians might adopt if public sentiment ever prompts another name change – Spiders? Blues? Any clues?  



[i]Craig Brown’s website, threadsofourgame.com, maintains a vast database of uniform information, descriptions, sketches and references to source material for dozens of baseball teams in the second-half of the 19th Century.
[ii] Billy Rose Theatre Division, The New York Public Library. "Lillian Russell in Nadjy" New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 7, 2019. http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/8ed11546-5516-cfe1-e040-e00a180667c9.
[iii]Evening World (New York), August 9, 1888, page 1.
[iv]The images in the were not identified.  However, the first letter of the club name on the front of the jersey shown in the “long throw” image appears to be an “N” – suggesting that the images are of the New York Giants.  The stadium seen in some images are consistent with known images of their stadium, the Polo Grounds.  The profile of the throwers head appears similar to images of Mike Tiernan who played for the Giants from 1887 through 1899.
[v] At the time, “mascot” referred to anything believed to bring good luck – the opposite of a “Jonah” or “hoodoo.”
[vi]“Baby” refers to Cleveland, the new team in the League.
[vii]“Patsy Boliver” is a reference to their manager, Oliver “Patsy” Tebeau, sometimes referred to as “Patsy Bolivar,” a pop-culture reference to a character of that name who was the butt of jokes in a well-known, old-timey comic routine.  In one version of the skit, Patsy Bolivar was an intellectually challenged student whom other students blamed whenever anything bad happened in class.  His name came up so frequently that when the teacher asks the class, “who discovered America?” the class clown says, “Patsy Bolivar!”
[viii]Illustrated American, Volume 11, June 25, 1892, page 270.  This image is most likely of Mike Tiernan in a “Nadjy” uniform for the New York Giants, but with his slender limbs he may look more-or-less like the Cleveland Spiders did when they debuted their own “Nadjy”-style uniforms in 1889.
[ix]Indianapolis News, March 9, 1914, page 10 (“The schedule is said to have been so dovetailed with the American League dates that the two Cleveland teams will play continuous ball in that city without conflicting dates.  Both teams belong to Charles Somers.”).

"Patsy Bolivar" in School - an Innocent History and Etymology of "Patsy"

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Billy B. Van as “Patsy Bolivar” in The Errand Boy, Chattanooga News, March 17, 1906, page 13.


The online etymology dictionary, etymonline.com, defines a “patsy” (first known use in 1903) as a “fall guy, victim of deception.”[i]  It is said to be of “uncertain origin, possibly an alteration of Italian pazzo“madman”, or south Italian dialectal paccio“fool.” 

Although it is possible that these Italian expressions may have reinforced the meaning with a small segment of the population, “patsy” is almost certainly derived primarily from a well-known character in a long-running, much imitated comic sketch or skit about an innocent boy who gets blamed for everything bad that happens in his classroom.  Whenever anyone does something naughty in the classroom, the children call out his name; something like, “Who put the tack in the teacher’s chair?” – “Patsy Bolivar,” “Who dipped Jane’s pigtail in the inkwell?” – “Patsy Bolivar.”  It works well, and the teacher repeatedly punishes the innocent Patsy.  But it works too well.  When the teacher asks a legitimate question about history, “Who discovered America?” or “Who was the first President of the United States?” for example, the class reflexively replies, “Patsy Bolivar,” and the deception is revealed.

Both the character (1867) and the idiomatic use of the name as an innocent scapegoat (1872) predate the major wave of Italian immigration to the United States after 1890.  One observer explained the use of the name of the character to denote political scapegoats in 1887.

Who was the historic personage so frequently alluded to in political speeches as “Patsy Bolivar.” C. M. C.

Answer – A party of minstrels in Boston, about twenty years ago, had a performance in which they presented the scene of a country school.  There was a little fellow named Patsy Bolivar, who sat in the corner, who was inoffensive, quiet and generally well behaved.  The older boys took occasion to annoy the master in many ways, and when the pedagogue asked, in a rage, “Who did that?” the boys would answer, “Patsy Bolivar!”  Then Patsy was chastised.  As soon as that was over, some of the older boys would throw a wad of paper at the master’s head, when, raging with anger, he would repeat the query, “Why was that?” Again the answer came, “Patsy Bolivar!”  The phrase, as many phrases have done, spread beyond the limits of the minstrel performance, and when the scapegoat was alluded to, it was in the name of “Patsy Bolivar.”  The “Patsy Bolivar” in politics must be the inoffensive person who is always in trouble brought about by mischievous associates – the one who is always blamed for everything.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, January 2, 1887, page 6.

This early explanation of “Patsy Bolivar” mistakenly suggests Boston is the original home of the “Patsy Bolivar.”[ii]  This explanation has fooled later researchers who cite the Boston theory as gospel fact.[iii]  Ironically, this mistaken, yet likely innocent, explanation may therefore be considered the “Patsy Bolivar” of all “Patsy Bolivar” origin stories.

Both “Patsy” and “Bolivar,” standing alone, were used idiomatically with reference to the same sorts of characters.  A few early examples of “Patsy” and “Bolivar” even made a direct connection between the new, shortened forms and the original “Patsy Bolivar.”

“I’ve been wearing the fool’s cap without knowing it.  Now I understand why they call me ‘Miss Patsy.’ I’m a regular Patsy Bolivar – I’ve been everybody’s Patsy, and wasn’t wise to myself.  Oh, Mr. Graham, I’m so ashamed!” (1910) [iv]

“Miss Patsy” derives its name from a commonly accepted slang phrase, the innocent victim of repeated blunders, being a Patsy or a Patsy Bolivar. (1910) [v]

“Why, the Bolivar,” explained Larkin, “is the most important part in all knockabout acts.  He’s the fellow who takes all the kicks in the pants and the raps on the head – the Patsy Bolivar; in other words, the fall guy.  Rapping of a fellow over the head will get a bigger laugh than the best comedy line in the world.” (1915) [vi]

This is the first chapter of a series which will tell the unfortunate happenings which follow the life of Patsy Bolivar.  “Patsy” has become the synonym for one in bad luck and poor young Bolivar had more than his share . . . . (1915) [vii]

Gertrude Quinlan as “Miss Patsy,” the “Patsy.” 
 Washington Herald (Washington DC), October 2, 1910, page 19.



Origins

The character of “Patsy Bolivar” first appeared on stage as early as 1867.  The earliest reference appeared in the playbill for a performance of Lloyd & Bideaux’s Minstrels in Hartford, Connecticut.[viii]

FRANKLIN HALL, BRIDGEPORT, CT.
FOR ONE NIGHT ONLY.
SATURDAY, FEB. 2, 1867.
LLOYD BIDEAUX’S MINSTRELS AND BRASS BAND,
THE MONSTER ORGANIZATION OF THE AGE.

. . .
FREEDMAN’S COLLEGE.

Prof. Eastman . . . . M. A. Scott
Dunce . . . . Cal. Wagner
Patsy Bolivar . . . . C. Reynolds
Billy Smart . . . . Johnny Booker
Little French Booby . . . . Gustave Bidaux

Lloyd & Bideaux’s Minstrels tour hit at least Hartford, Connecticut, Buffalo, New York, Detroit, Michigan and Columbus, Ohio over the next several weeks, presumably bringing the show and the character to all of those cities and anywhere in between they would have performed.  Two of the same performers, Gustave Bidaux and Cal. Wagner, brought the same skit, by the same name, to St. Louis, Missouri the next season, presumably also bringing the character of the same name with them and to many more places in between over the preceding two seasons.

Negro Minstrelsy.
. . .
Fred Wilson’s Minstrels, St. Louis, Mo., did a lively business the past week.  Cal. Wagner’s introduction of his brass band was received with roars of laughter . . . .  Gustave Bideaux with the ballads of “The Beautiful Girl of the South” and “The Little Broken Ring,” the performance closing with the burlesque of “The Freedman College.”

New York Clipper, May 9, 1868, page 39.

The name of the skit was topical at the time.  February 1867 came less than two years after the end of the Civil War and assassination of Abraham Lincoln.  There was a movement at the time to establish schools and colleges for newly freed slaves; those schools were frequently referred to as “Freedmen’s schools” or “Freedmen’s colleges.”

In Hampton, Virginia, for example, it was reported that a “large and valuable building in the vicinity of Fortress Monroe, known during the war as Hampton Hospital, has been purchased by Northern contribution, and will be used as a freedmen’s college.”[ix]  The school is now Hampton University.  A similar report from Nashville, Tennessee noted that a “building west of the Chattanooga Depot, heretofore used as a military hospital” had been “formally dedicated as a colored High School.”  The headline read, “Opening Exercises of the Fisk Freedmen’s School.”  The school is now Fisk University.

The last name, Bolivar, might also have been intended as a reference to freedmen, or at least to the type of name a freed slave might choose as their own last name when given the chance after emancipation.  The South American statesman Simon Bolivar, who shared the same last name, was widely known as “El Libertador” – “the Liberator.”

Although some of the humor of the original production was likely had at the expense of “Freedmen” specifically, or Black people generally, much of the humor was universal enough to translate well to non-black face entertainment as well.

As early as 1868, the character named Patsy Bolivar appeared onstage in San Francisco, California in a production entitled “The Fat Boy.”

San Francisco Chronicle, April 20, 1868, page 1.

The plot is not described, but it may have been based on a portion of Dickens’, The Pickwick Papers, an American adaptation of which had recently been published as a chapter, “The Fat Boy,” in an American compilation of Dickens’ writings about children, “Child-Pictures from Dickens,”[x]which was put on sale in Northern California[xi]a few months before Johnny Mack staged his production of “The Fat Boy” in April of 1868. 

Skits featuring “Patsy Bolivar” in school continued to spread under one name or another for decades, with a teacher, a dunce, a classroom full of students and the name of the main character, “Patsy Bolivar,” the constant threads.  In 1871, for example, a troupe calling itself the California Minstrels performed a skit called “High School” Hawaii, with the familiar characters of the Schoolmaster, Dunce, Patsy Bolivar and other school boys. 

Two years later in 1873, another group billing itself as the California Minstrels (although with no apparent overlap of cast) toured Australia with a more simply named skit, “School,” in its repertoire.  M. Ainsley Scott (who had played the Professor in the earliest known version of “Freedmen’s College” in 1867) played the role of Patsy Bolivar. 

The new title appears to be borrowed from Tom Robertson’s more famous play from the legitimate stage, School, which debuted at the Prince of Wales Theatre in London in 1869.  That version of “School” was a modern retelling of Cinderella which took place at a girls’ school; “School,” in turn, was an English adaptation of a recent German play, Aschenbroedel, a modern retelling of the German version of Cinderella, Aschenputtel.  Decades later, in a reverse-everything-old-is-new-again moment, a character named “Patsy Bolivar” appeared in a burlesque satire (Dr. Swine-Tax) of a later musical adaptation of Schoolcalled Dr. Syntax, which was itself a remake of an earlier musical adaptation of Schoolcalled Cinderella in School, making modern criticism of Hollywood’s penchant for remakes, reboots and sequels seem tame in comparison.

In the days before film, radio, videotape and electronic storage and reproduction of popular entertainment, popular skits and plays were circulated by licensed touring groups, imitators, remakes and rewrites of the same material.  By some quirk of fate, the character’s name was so popular or familiar that “Patsy Bolivar” (sometimes Boliver or Bolliver) survived through all of the successive reboots, remakes and updates, through dozens of shows with different titles and different antagonists.  The school setting, the general identity of the teacher and dunce, and a few comic touchstones remained the same, but nearly everything else changed in the various productions of the variously-named, “Freedmen’s School” (1867), “The Fat Boy” (1868), “The Boarding School” (1873), “The Old School District” (1876), “A Gentleman’s Seminary” (Australia, 1878), “An Ethiopian Farce in One Act” (1880), “School for Scandal” (1884), “The Country School” (1885), “The Spellin’ Skewl, or Friday Afternoon at Deestrick No. 4” (1891), “Deestrick Skule” (1895), “A Child of nature, or Patsy Bolivar’s Woes” (1895), “Dr. Swine Tax” (1896), “Deestrick 4” (1897), “The District School No. 3” (an all-female cast, 1901) and presumably many other other-named skits performed at various times and places.

Other forms of pre-radio and pre-film entertainment included home and amateur “theatricals.”  Several publishing companies, including the Ames Publishing Company of Clyde, Ohio published simplified versions of professional plays for the home market.  Ames published at least two scripts of alternate versions of the “Patsy Bolivar” skit for the home market, School, an Ethiopian Farce in Once Act, by Newton Field, published in 1880 (said to be based on a script performed professionally in 1878) and The Spellin’ Skewl – or – Friday Afternoon at Deestrick No. 4 (an original burlesque in one scene) by Bert Richards, apparently published in about 1890. 

Schoolincludes all of the standard situations and humor, and even lets Patsy turn the tables on his tormentors, in one scene switching places with the Dunce so that when he is unjustly blamed, the Dunce sitting in his seat might be punished by mistake.  Only the synopsis for The Spellin’ Skewl survives, in an advertisement the play in the back of another script. There’s a kiss, a teeter-totter, some “Hokey Pokey,” a pin on the teacher’s chair, spit-wads, and a whistle during class – nothing out of the ordinary.



Beginning in 1898, Vaudeville performer Billy B. Van breathed new life into the character of “Patsy Bolivar,” adding it to his popular act just before the turn of the century, at about the same time the slang word “patsy” (standing alone) is believed to have entered the lexicon.  Van performed as Patsy in his own “Bohemian Burlesquers” troupe as early as 1898, and later brought the character with him to a touring company of Beauty’s Applein 1889 and 1900, and to The Devil’s Daughter company in 1901. 

 
In 1901, Billy Van introduced a new song with a title that encapsulated the theme of all “Patsy Bolivar” comedies and could have reinforced the use of “Patsy, standing alone.”

Van’s “Everything Falls on Patsy.”

Billy B. Van sang a new song at the Court Street Theatre last evening, entitled “Everything Falls on Patsy,” and he was forced to repeat it six times.  Then he apologized because he did not know any more verses.  The song struck a popular chord, and after both performances yesterday the air was heard on the streets leading from the theatre.  There are some very good songs in “The Devil’s Daughter,” but the new one has them all beaten.

Buffalo Commercial (Buffalo, New York), July 23, 1901, page 8.

Van left The Devil’s Daughter the following year and continued performing as “Patsy” on his own or with other companies.  But The Devil’s Daughter kept the character in its act as well, by plugging a performer named Clarence Wilbur into the role.  There seems to have been some dispute or professional jealousy about ownership of the character, as The Devil’s Daughter billed its version of “Patsy Bolivar” as “Copyrighted.”

New York Clipper, March 22, 1902, page 88.

For his part, Billy B. Van kept “Patsy Bolivar” in his act for the rest of the decade in a series of different skits.  Many of those sketches carried the names “Patsy” or “Bolivar,” alone or in combination, in conjunction with a word or two descriptive of the new situation, for example, “Bolivar’s Busy Day,” “Patsy’s Debut,” “Patsy in Politics”[xii]and “Patsy Bolivar’s Vacation.”[xiii] The repeated use of the names separately may have reinforced or accelerated the transition of the idiom from the original “Patsy Bolivar” to “Patsy,” standing alone.

In 1906, Billy B. Van’s “Patsy” helped popularize another popular slang expression of the day, “23-Skidoo!”“23” and “skidoo” were both slang expressions in their own right, both meaning “get lost!”  They were frequently used together for comedic emphasis.  

Van did not coin “23”, which had already been a well known slang term for several years, likely derived from the final scene of Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, in which the knitting women count-off Sydney Carton as the twenty-third person killed at the guillotine that morning.

Nor does Billy B. Van appear to have coined the expression, “Skidoo” or its use in close conjunction with “23.”  “Skidoo” appeared in print at least two years before it appeared in association with his act.  Both words were even used together on stage in George M. Cohan’s Yankee Doodle Dandy and The Rogers Brothers’ Vaudeville act as early as 1904.  For more detail on the early use of “23” and “Skidoo,” see my earlier post, Skedaddle, Skidoodle, Skidoo – the Vanishing History and Etymology of Twenty-three Skidoo!

Nevertheless, the lyrics of a song entitled “Skidoo (For You),” written by Jimmie Barry in 1906, credits Billy B. Van with coining the expression, “Skidoo.”[xiv]

I suppose you’ve heard of the latest word
In the English language
It was coined by a fellow named Billy Ban
To use upon the stage.

It made a hit and has gone the rounds,
You hear it ev’ry day,
And when you’re least expecting it,
You’ll hear some body say.

Chorus:
“SKIDOO” “SKIDOO”
You hear it   every where,
“SKIDOO” “SKIDOO”
It seems to be in the air . . . .

It’s not clear whether Jimmie Barry was mistaken about who coined “Skidoo,” or if Billy B. Van actually did coin it two years before any known written evidence of his use of the word appeared in print.  In any case, Barry’s belieft that Billy B. Van coined the word at least suggests Van’s leading role in popularizing the expression. 

But Billy Van may have actually coined the familiar form, “23-Skidoo!”  The earliest known example of that expression is as the title of a song in an advertisement for Billy B. Van’s production of “The Errand Boy,” in which Van appeared as “Patsy Bolivar.”


Chattanooga Daily Times (Chattanooga, Tennessee), March 18, 1906, page 26.
 
New York Clipper, Volume 4, Number 9, April 21, 1906, page 258.
The gallery gods waxed enthusiastic last night over his “Skidoo” song, and after patiently singing a half dozen verses, the comedian and chorus chanted the song plaintively in the direction of the galleries.  With the “Skidoo, skidoo, 23 for you,” the gods subsided.

Pittsburgh Press, April 17, 1906, page 3.

Billy B. Van also sang a song called “Skidoo” (perhaps the same song) in his next production, “Patsy in Politics.”

Indianapolis Star, April 14, 1907, page 17.[xv]
  The musical end of the show is well taken care of.  There are some good melodies and they are sung with fine effect.  To make them more attractive a bevy of young women sing the choruses and go through dances which please the audience.  Some of the songs that took extra well were “Love is a Wonderful Thing,” “Back Again to Old Broadway,” “Jolly Little Johnnies at the Old Stage Door, “Bolivar Cadets,” “Skidoo,” “Nancy,” “Holding Hands” and “Take Me Back to Paree.”

Boston Globe, October 16, 1906, page 6.

Billy B. Van performed as “Patsy Bolivar” for so long that years later he would later be mistakenly remembered as the one who “originated” the character.[xvi]  But all good things come to an end, and for some not soon enough.  In 1910, despite his long-time success with the character, Billy B. Van “promised” to put Patsy on the shelf.

Billy B. Van has promised to shelve “Patsy Bolivar” forever.

Evening Star(Washington DC), February 20, 1910, page 23.

Hollywood took up the story five years later, in the form of a fourteen-chapter serial produced by the Lubin film studios, one of the earliest serials put on film.  Episode one, “Patsy at School,” followed the familiar plot.


Patsy Bolivar is always in hard luck, and everything he attempts invariably goes wrong. When the careless housemaid substitutes salt for sugar in the sugar bowl, Patsy is thrashed for it by an over-severe parent. When she leaves something on the floor for the master of the house to stumble over he is beaten for that. He has an evil genius, or hoodoo, known as Sykesy, who, finding it an easy matter to commit all kinds of offenses and have the blame thrown on Patsy, works his nefarious power without stint. 

Moving Picture World, Volume 22, Number 13, December 26, 1914, page 1873.[xvii]

The remaining thirteen episodes followed Patsy to college and early adulthood, where he was continually put-upon and abused by his main tormentor, Sykesy, and misunderstood by his family and loved ones.

The Moving Picture World, Volume 23, Number 3, January 16, 1915, page 390.


But in the end, Patsy married his sweetheart on a yacht as Sykesy fell in the water.

The Moving Picture World, March 27, 1915, page 1948. 

Despite his ultimate triumph on screen, the name “Patsy Bolivar” was synonymous with a scapegoat or fall guy from shortly after its debut in “Freedmen’s College” in 1867.


Idiomatic “Patsy Bolivars”

Beginning at least as early as 1872, criminals, great and small, routinely gave their name as “Patsey Bolivar” to shift the blame from their guilty selves onto an innocent, fictional alias.  The dodge might not keep you out of jail, but it could keep your name clean. 

In some cases either the court or the reporters didn’t seem to be in on the joke.  In 1872, for example, when Judge Flippin oversaw the case of the “State vs. Patsy Bolivar, larceny,” in his courtroom in Memphis, there was no suggestion that the name was false, amusing or otherwise noteworthy.

In 1875, one court apparently accepted the name while a reporter caught on to the scam.

There was a big grist this forenoon before the Mayor, but as many of the prisoners were allowed to register such fictitious names as Patsy Bolivar, Saucy Sal, etc, a recapitulation would be unfair to the few that were genuine.

Indianapolis News, June 28, 1875, page 1.

In 1879, a Memphis newspaper had spotted the trend, comparing it to the viral (for its day) “Tom Collins hoax” of a few years earlier.  The use of “Patsy” standing alone at the end of the paragraph suggests how the word “Patsy” might easily evolve from “Patsy Bolivar.”

Little Rock Gazette 16: “Patsy Bolivar is wanted in this city.  The name of Patsy Bolivar is a kind of Tom Collins cognomen.  Patsy is some times a typographical pedestrian and writes for Rowell’s Newspaper Reporter.  Sometimes he is some one else, harvests grain in the North and picks cotton in the South.  He is English, German, American, Irish and colored.  This time he is an American, and robbed a man of fifteen dollars at the depot.  The man is a stranger.  An affidavit was swore out at Justice Howe’s court, and officers are now looking for Patsy.”

The Daily Memphis Avalanche, September 25, 1879, page 2.

The “Tom Collins hoax” was a practical joke believed to have been first pulled by the Mayor of New York City and an Alderman, in which a false name shifts the blame for bad behavior onto an innocent third party.  It was, in essence, a more innocent and less dangerous form of what is called “SWAT-ting” today (the practice of making false reports to the police with the intent of having a SWAT team to an innocent dupe’s house).  But instead of getting the cops involved, the practical joker goads his victim into picking a fight with the innocent third-party.



A joke, said to have been started by Mayor Havemeyer and Alderman John J. Morris, has caused much merriment to the occupants of nearly every saloon, club house, and hotel in the city during the past ten days. . . .

The Tom Collins hoax is worked in this manner: A joker meets a friend and accosts him with “Have you seen Tom Collins?”

“No; who the deuce is Tom Collins?”

Well, I don’t know much about him; but he says he knows all about you, and is telling terrible lies and scandals, showing up your life in the most outrageous manner.”

“Where can I find the scoundrel?”

“He generally hang out at - - - - ‘s saloon,” replies the joker (naming some place where he is known and apt to find confederates).  “Suppose we go for him.”

“All right,” replies the victim, boiling with rage.

On reaching the saloon the joker inquires of the bartender, in a voice loud enough to be heard by persons near, “Have you seen Tom Collins?”

“Yes, there he is,” answers a confederate, generally pointing to the meekest looking stranger in the room.  Then follows this scene, copied from one which actually occurred in a popular lager beer saloon near the City Hall yesterday afternoon:

Victim (with fire in his eyes, walking up to stranger) – What do you mean, sir, traducint my character and lying about me to my friends?

Stranger – You are mistaken, sir; I have said nothing about you.

Victim (egged on by his friends) – You lie, you scoundrel; at the same time making a pass for the stranger.

Then the party break out in a roar of laughter, and declare that nothing but a round of drinks at the victim’s expense will wash out the insult to the stranger.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 13, 1874, page 2 (reprinted from The New York Sun).

In addition to acting as a convenient alias for criminals or others wishing to hide their real identities, “Patsy Bolivar” was regularly used idiomatically to refer to anyone unfairly blamed for something or the other.

The citizens of Oswego, Kansas, for example, felt that their image was unfairly tarnished by areas newspapers referring to a certain criminal ring as the “Oswego Ring,” because members of the crime ring actually came from and operated in several other local communities. 

“OSWEGO RING”

We earnestly protest against the indiscriminate use of the opprobrium “Oswego ring,” as used in the resolutions, published elsewhere. . . . It is no more an “Oswego ring” than it is a “Columbus ring,” a “Montana ring” or a “Chetopa ring.” . . . . [I]t is uncharitable scandal to pronounce our town the Patsy Boliver of the district.

Oswego Independent (Oswego, Kansas), April 4, 1874, page 5.

The “Patsy Bolivar” delegateshave returned from the Convention, and are now explaining to the sovereigns why this or that man was not selected as a Congressman. 

Public Ledger(Memphis, Tennessee), September 10, 1874, page 3.


Judge Field is the “Patsy Bolivar” of the California Democracy.

Los Angeles Times, May 23, 1885, page 3.

“Patsy Bolivar” still appeared in print, on occasion (instead of just “Patsy”) as late as 1942.

But Mr. Jingle is quite sure that when Yankee Doodle gets agoing he’s going to town – Hitler’s town, and, no matter what Stalin now thinks, the fellow’s who’ll do the fighting will insist that the boys who kept the Jerries so busy this Summer won’t be made the Patsy Bolliver of the peace.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, October 11, 1942, page 16.


Real-Life Patsy Bolivars

Despite the generally negative connotations of being a “Patsy Bolivar,” several actual people proudly assumed the name as their own or as a nickname, and not as a criminal alias.  Every example I’ve run across dates to a time after the earliest known reference to the character of “Patsy Bolivar” was developed, so they may have been in imitation of or inspired by the character. 

Two early examples however, both from variety theaters in Memphis, Tennessee, are close enough in time to the earliest mentions of the character, that it is not beyond the realm of possibility that a real-live “Patsy Bolivar” could have inspired the character in some way that is lost to history.

Varieties Theater.

  . . .  We are pleased to learn that Mr. Solomon Cramher (who is a nephew to Brigham Young), now on his way to Salt Lake, has laid over, and will appear in his great contortion act, assisted by Signor Patsy Boliver.

Public Ledger(Memphis), September 17, 1869, page 3.

Variety Halls.

. . . Broom’s Varieties, Memphis Tennessee., is reported to be doing well.  Our Correspondent says: - “Hen Mason takes the stage management on the 12th, as Charley White and Charley Broom have formed a company and partnership and start on a tour. . . .  The party consists of H. A. Kincade and sons, Kate Clair, Sig. Frances, Billy Diamond, D. Donaldson, Paul Snyder, Prof. Williams, W. B. Fish, Patsy Bolivar and Charley O. White.”

New York Clipper, January 22, 1870, page 335.

Later examples, further removed in time and place, seem more likely than not to have been based on the character; a newspaper owner in St. Louis in 1879, for example, or an Irish comedian, one of the “Two Rollicking Hibernians,” in Scotland in 1880.[xviii]

In 1890, a transient railroad tramp named “Patsy Bolivar” battled it out with “Sailor Kid” in a contest to be crowned “King of the Tramps.”  At a convention of tramps at the Nanticoke Pennsylvania coal breaker, it was decided that the two of them would race to make the quickest trip from New York to San Francisco and back, via New Orleans. 

 
“Sailor Kid” won the race by disguising himself as an American Indian to take advantage of the law giving them free passage on any train crossing the western prairies.  “With feathers in his hair, paint on his face and a blanket over his shoulders, [“Sailor Kid”] sped westward on the platform of a lightning express,” while “’Patsy Bolivar’ ‘plugged along’ slowly in freight cars.”[xix]

In 1879, a professional baseball player in Buffalo (then in the National League) was given the nickname “Patsy Bolivar” because he also worked in the theater as treasurer of the Jubilee Singers of Philadelphia, and had played the role of “Patsy Bolivar” in an off-season production of “School.”[xx]The name apparently did not stick.  His more common nick name was “Chick,” and there were no other references to him by that name despite having a long, successful career in the major leagues before and after playing in Buffalo.

But by far the best-known, non-theatrical “Patsy Bolivar” of the day was a professional baseball player and manager named Oliver “Patsy Bolivar” Tebeau (more commonly referred to as “Patsy” Tebeau), who spent nearly a decade and a half in the major leagues; briefly as a third-baseman for the Chicago White Sox (now the Cubs) and for more than a decade with the Cleveland Spiders (primarily as manager), followed by two years as manager of the St. Louis Cardinals. 

Tebeau’s successor as manager of the Cardinals, Patrick “Patsy” Donovan, came by the name more naturally, and was generally referred to merely as “Patsy.”  One reporter, however, referred to him as “Patsy Bolivar” on at least one occasion, either by force of habit left over from Tebeau or just as a one-off joke.

It is not entirely clear how or why Oliver Tebeau took the name “Patsy Bolivar.”  The fact that it rhymes (more or less) with his first name may have helped, and perhaps he was the kind of player or manager who took abuse from umpires or other teams.  A cryptic comment in a short poem about him printed in one of his home town newspapers (he grew up in the Kerry Patch neighborhood of St. Louis, Missouri) hints at a different reason, but without enough detail to decipher the identity of the “famous Patsy Bolivar” from whom he earned his name.

They say you came from ‘Kerry Patch,’
     And, though your name is Oliver,

You earned your nickname when you downed
     The famous Patsy Bolivar.

St. Louis boasts some clever lads;
     You’ll find them where you chance to go,

But when it comes to playing third
     Our man is Oliver Tebeau.”

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, September 30, 1887, page 8.

Oliver Tebeau’s own nickname is not the only nickname he is known for.  “Patsy Bolivar” Tebeau twice managed teams at the moment they were given new nicknames that still survive in major league baseball today, the “Cleveland Indians”[xxi](although a National League predecessor of today’s American league Indians) and the “St. Louis Cardinals.”[xxii] 

Anyone who doesn’t like
One of those two names –
Knows to whom to give the blame –
            Rightly or wrongly, yes or no,

– “Patsy Bolivar” Tebeau.

Oskaloosa Independent (Oskaloosa, Kansas), February 18, 1898, page 6.





[ii] The earliest association this researcher has found connecting the sketch or the name to Boston is from 1876.
[iii]The explanation was later adopted in full as the definition of “Patsy Bolivar” in Henry Frederic Redall’s alternate encyclopedia, Fact, Fancy, and Fable, a New Handbook for Ready Reference on Subjects Commonly Omitted from Cyclopaedias (Chicago, A. C. McClurg & Company, 1892).  Some sources, including Wikipedia (as of November 2019), cite Redall’s work in support of the Boston origin story.
[iv]“Miss Patsy,” Sewell Collins, The Green Book Album, Volume III, Number 5, May 1910, page 949 (novelized from the acting version of the play by Arthur F. Greene).
[v]Times-Tribune (Scranton, Pennsylvania), August 26, 1910, page 4 (advertisement for upcoming performance of the stage play, “Miss Patsy.”
[vi]“The Bolivar,” Bozeman Bulger, The Saturday Evening Post, Volume 188, Number 4, November 27, 1915, page 14.
[vii]Moving Picture World, Volume 23, Number 1, January 2, 1915, page 90. “Patsy in School” (December 1914) was the first of a fourteen-chapter serial by the Lubin film studio.
[viii]“Clipper Varieties. Comprising Ballads, Songs and Dances, Comic Songs, Old Bills, etc.,” New York Clipper, August 14, 1875, page 156 (from an old playbill for Lloyd & Bideaux’s Minstrels in 1867).  The accuracy of the date and location of the performance listed in the 1875 reprint of the 1867 playbill are verified in a contemporary newspaper notice of the same performance.  Hartford Courant, February 2, 1867, page 5.  The accurace of the personnel listed in the 1875 reprint are verified by advertisements for the same troupe to appear in another town a few weeks later.  Buffalo Evening Post, February 5, 1867, page 2.
[ix]Daily Phoenix (Columbia, South Carolina), January 12, 1866, page 2.
[x]Child-Pictures from Dickens, Boston, Ticknor and Fields, 1868.
[xi]Sacramento Daily Union, January 31, 1868, page 6 (“Roman & Co. send us an elegant book, published by Ticknor & Fields, of Boston, which contains selected chapters from Dickens’ Works under the title of ‘Child Pictures from Dickens.’ . . . The selections are ‘Little Nell,’ ‘The Marchioness,’ ‘Paul and Florence,’ ‘The Fat Boy,’ ‘Tiny Tim,’ ‘Smike’ and ‘Oliver Twist.’”).
[xii]Chattanooga News (Chattanooga, Tennessee, March 17, 1906, page 13.
[xiii]Pittsburgh Press, December 2, 1906, page 33.
[xiv]“Skidoo-For You,” Words and Music by Jimmie Barry, Golden Gate Music Co., 1906, Empire Music Co., Boston, Massachusetts, Johns Hopkins Sheridan Libraries & University Museums, The Lester S. Levy Sheet Music Collection.
[xv]This image of Billy B. Van as “Patsy Bolivar,” with the exaggerated Eton collar, neckerchief and goofy expression, is strikingly similar to images of James T. Powers in an 1895 production of “The New Boy,” the role associated with the advertising image believed to be the ultimate inspiration of Mad Magazine’s iconic mascot, Alfred E. Neuman. See, my earlier posts, “The Real Alfred E.” and “More Real Alfred E.
[xvi]Pittsburgh Press, January 2, 1910, page 27 ([Billy B. Van] is best known to the theater-going public as the creator of the character of “Patsy Bolivar.”).
[xviii]St. Louis Post-Dispatch, December 30, 1879, page 4 (“About 10 o’clock Mr. Patsy Bolivar, a well known journalist, who had buried several newspapers as far back as 1840, made an effort to take possession of the Globe-Democratoffice under a Spanish claim, which, he says, was issued to him by Don Miguel Francesca in 1796.”); Aberdeen Journal, June 24, 1880, page 1 (“Cook’s Royal Circus. To-night.  The two Rollicking Hibernians, Mickey M’Guffin and Patsy Bolliver.).
[xix]Anaconda Standard (Anaconda, Montana), October 20, 1890, page 6.
[xx]St. Louis Globe-Democrat, February 16, 1879, page 9.

From Joe Quest to "Old Hoss" Radbourne - a Strained History and Etymology of "Charley Horse"

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     Old Man Charley Horse, don’t you touch a muscle!
They’ve been rusting all the winter; kind o’ tender grown.

            Those now knitted
Must be fitted

     For the season’s tussle.
Old Man Charley Horse, just you lemme ‘lone![i]





A “Charley Horse” (or “Charlie Horse,” or on occasion in the early days, “Cholly Horse”) is a “muscular pain, cramping, or stiffness especially of the quadriceps that results from a strain or bruise.”[ii]  The definition is hasn’t changed since the earliest known description of the condition in 1886, in a letter from the manager of the Louisville Eclipse (a major league baseball team in the American Association) about his players’ condition during a spring training trip to Savannah, Georgia.

Ely is still suffering what is known by ball players as ‘Charley Horse,’ which is a lameness in the thigh, caused by straining the cord.  Both will probably be able to work the soreness out if the weather continues warm.

Courier-Journal(Louisville, Kentucky), March 21, 1886, page 10.

But the mystery behind the name is a still a puzzle.  All of the dozen-or-so competing explanations agree that it came from professional baseball, but disagree on all of the other relevant details.

“Charley Horse” is the Rashomon of etymology topics.

In Akira Kurosawa’s film masterpiece, Rashomon, a priest hears testimony from several witnesses to determine the cause and appropriate punishment for the death of a Samurai – was it rape and murder or seduction and suicide? – a jealous duel or a woman goading two men into a reluctant fight for her honor? 

The film explores the limitations of objective fact-finding, retelling a violent incident from the perspective of each participant or witness – a samurai, his wife, a bandit and a woodcutter, each witness’ account colored by personal bias and subjective observation.  Repulsed by the murder, greed and immorality at the heart of the various stories, the priest nearly loses his faith in humanity.  But in the end, his faith is restored by a final, plausible explanation casting the event in a more heroic light.

Or perhaps Hasbro’s board game Clue (or Cluedo)is a better analogy.  Was it Joe Quest with a black horse named Charley in New Castle, Pennsylvania?  Ned Williamson with a white horse named Charley in Chicago?  Jack Glasscock’s old horse named Charley?  A racehorse named Charley that pulled up lame in a race the day before George Gore pulled up lame stealing second base in a game against the New York Giants in Chicago?  Or Sandy Nava’s excited, Italian accent-tinged comments when Charley “Old Hoss” Radbourne pulled up lame trotting around the bases after his walk-off, eighteenth-inning homerun in a game against Detroit ended what was then the longest game ever in professional baseball? 

The simplest explanation is that Joe Quest coined the expression in about 1882 while playing second base for the Chicago White Stockings, when he compared the gait of an afflicted player with that of a lame old horse called Charley.  “Charley” was then a generic name for an old horse beyond its useful working life, so it didn’t have to be a specific horse, although it may have been a white horse at the Chicago White Stocking’s baseball stadium or one at Joe Quest’s family machine shop in New Castle, Pennsylvania.

But without definitive evidence, we are left, Rashomon-like, to divine the truth from among the incompatible theories, even if (as some “Charley Horse” sufferers believe) its true origin is something less than divine.

     Old Man Charley Horse, I can guess who bred you.
Sire was Mr. Lucifer and dam a witch was she!

So you’re yearning
To be burning

     Like an iron red, you!
Old Man Charley Horse, get away from me![iii]


Hutchinson Gazette (Hutchinson, Kansas), July 23, 1915, page 7.[iv]


Joe Quest

Every explanation of the origin of “Charley Horse” agrees on one point, it was coined by a baseball player.  After that, the details diverge; which player, when, where and why?  When the earliest example of “Charley Horse” in print appeared in March 1886, Joe Quest and most of the other characters whose name come up in association with the expression were still playing professional baseball, so it should have been easy to go directly to the source for the truth.  But even so, the two earliest explanations, appearing within weeks of one another just months after the earliest appearance of “Charley Horse” in print, credit two different players.

Joe Quest played major league baseball, mostly at second base, for eight teams over the course of ten seasons.  He was born and raised in New Castle, Pennsylvania, where his father Jacob Quest operated the Quest & Shaw foundry and machine shop for nearly twenty years, from 1855 until 1872.[v] Decades later, he was also remembered as having been a member of a local semi-professional team in New Castle team, the Neshannocks.[vi]  The “‘Nocks” were so successful that in 1876, when plans were being made to form a second professional league to compete for fans with the National League, the Neshannocks of little New Castle, Pennsylvania were mentioned in the same breath with teams from much larger cities like Columbus, Allegheny (Pittsburgh), Detroit and St. Louis, all of which would host major league teams a few years later.  New Castle never made the big leagues. 

It is not clear, however, that Quest ever did play for the “‘Nocks.”  When he signed to play for the “Allegheny Club of Pittsburg for $90 a month” before the 1876 season, he was described as a member of the “Mutual Club of Meadville.”[vii]  At least two other members of the team later enjoyed major league success however, Ned Williamson (sometimes “Ed”), Quest’s teammate with Chicago for several seasons, and Charlie Bennett, one of the best catchers of his day, best known today for having lost both his legs in a railroad accident and as the namesake of the Detroit Tiger’s old stadium, Bennett Park.  Both of their names pop up in later origin stories.

The first Joe Quest origin story does not give any details about when or why.

Several years ago Joe Quest gave the name of “Charlie horse” to a peculiar contraction and hardening of the muscles and tendons of the thigh to which base ball players are especially liable from the sudden starting and stopping in chasing balls, as well as the frequent slides in base running.  Pfeffer, Anson and Kelly are so badly troubled with “Charlie horse” there are times they can scarcely walk. 

The Times(Philadelphia), July 11, 1886, page 11.


Jack Glasscock

Two weeks later, an alternate origin story attributed “Charley Horse” to Jack Glasscock, who shortstop for nine major league teams through seventeen seasons beginning in 1879. 

Charley Horse. 

Base-ballists have invented a brand new disease, called “Charley-horse.” It consists of a peculiar contraction and hardening of the muscles and tendons of the thigh, to which ball players are liable from the sudden starting and stopping in chasing balls.  Pfeffer, Anson, Kelly, Gore, Williamson and others have been suffering from it more or less, some of them so badly that at times they couldn’t’ walk.  Jack Glasscock is said to have originated the name because the way the men limped around reminded him of an old horse he once owned named Charley.  At this rate, some imaginative bat-swinger will soon add “robust sow” and “trembling equine” to the list of diseases, probably because the way some of the players swill beer and booze reminds him of a “sow” he once owned and the delirium after-effects, of a horse with the blind staggers.

The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, July 23, 1886, page 2. 


A Rocking-Horse

One of the earliest explanations of Joe Quest’s reasoning behind coining “Charley Horse” suggested that the gait of an afflicted player was similar to the motion of a child’s rocking-horse.

Meaning of “Charley Horse.”

When Mutrie, of the New York team, suddenly began limping after running to first base in one of the games played here last fall, every base ball player at once ejaculated “Charley horse.” To the average attendant at base ball games the phrase is as an Egyptian hieroglyphic.  To professional ball players, however, it is well known, and equally dreaded. . . .

. . . The odd name of “Charley horse” was given to this affection years ago by Joe Quest.  When a man breaks down in this manner he runs very much like a rocking-horse in full motion.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), January 3, 1887, page 8.

The article did not address why a rocking horse would be called “Charley.”  Six months later, a similar article filled in the blank.

“Charley horse” is a complaint caused by the straining of the cords in a ball player's legs.  The name is said to owe its origin to the fact that a player afflicted with it, when attempting to run, does so much after the fashion of a boy astride of a wooden horse, sometimes called a “Charley horse.”

Brooklyn Daily Eagle (Brooklyn, New York), July 2, 1887.


New Castle, Pennsylvania

A story out of Joe Quest’s hometown claimed that he first used the name while playing for the Chicago White Stockings, where he played from 1878 through 1882.  He is said to have borrowed the name from an old, white horse from his father’s machine shop in New Castle, Pennsylvania.

Origin of Charley-Horse
Joe Quest Sprung It on the World While Playing with Chicago.

An admirer of The Globein the town of Newcastle, Penn., writes to explain the origin of the phrase “charley horse.”  He says: “Years ago when Joe Quest was employed as an apprentice in the machine shop of Quest & Shaw, in Newcastle, his father, who was one of the proprietors of the firm, had an old white horse by the name of Charley.  Long usage in pulling heavy loads had stiffened the animal’s legs so that he walked as if troubled with strained tendons.  Afterwards, when Quest became a member of the Chicago club, he was troubled, with others, with a peculiar stiffness of the legs, which brought to his mind the ailment of the old white horse Charley.  Joe said that the ball players troubled with the ailment hobbled exactly as did the old horse, and as no one seemed to know what the trouble was, Quest dubbed it “Charley horse.”  The name has spread until today it has become part of the language of the national game.”

The Boston Globe, June 23, 1889, page 5.

Ten years later, a similar explanation from Newcastle appeared in Sporting Life magazine, but this time naming a specific source, George W. Shaw, a newspaper editor from Newcastle, perhaps the same person who had sent the similar notice to the Boston Globe a decade earlier.

THE TERM “CHARLEY-HORSE”
Original With the Once Noted Player, Joe Quest.

Newspapers from time to time have published what they claim was the origination of “charleyhorse,” the lame condition which has been superinduced in base ball players.  Various newspapers have given various derivations of the phrase, but not any of them have been absolutely correct.  Editor George W. Shaw, of the New Castle (Pa.) “Daily News,” has the right solution, which he gives us as follows:

“The name for the sprained condition of the muscles and tendons of the legs of the players was coined by Joe Quest, a former resident of New Castle, and a son of the late Jacob Quest, of the Westside.  Joe Quest began his ball playing in this city, and was a member of various teams until he finally became second baseman for the Chicagos. . . .

. . . What suggested such a term for ball players’ lameness to Quest is as follows: Joe was employed in the establishment of Quest & Shaw, this city, learning the machinst’s trade, the senior member of the firm being his father.  An old white horse named Charley was used by the firm in a wagon utilized for hauling material around the works.  Charley had drawn so many heavy loads and was so advanced in years that he had a peculiarly wobbly gait, occasioned by his strained tendons.  When Joe noticed the ball players limping around Charley’s walk was recalled in his mind and he named the condition of the players after the old horse at his father’s works.

Sporting Life, November 5, 1898, page 4.

An alternate origin story out of New Castle claimed that Joe Quest, Ned Williamson and Charlie Bennett, local boys who later played in the major leagues, rode a horse named “Charley” when they were injured playing baseball in a local pasture.  The horse was black and it didn’t belong to Joe Quest’s father, it belonged to the newspaper editor responsible for a completely different version of the story, George W. Shaw.



The “Charlie Horse” expression was born long before they became famous when they were mere boys, but it did not gain general circulation until they started out as base ball stars.  Quest and Ed [(presumably “Ned”)] Williamson, another New Castle man, went to Chicago with old Captain Anson and Bennett became a fixture at Detroit as long as that city remained in the National league.  Then he went to Boston where he played until he was run over by a train [(losing both legs)].

During the days when they were boys they played upon Shaw’s Hill now completely covered with handsome dwellings.  That land was owned by the later Colonel George W. Shaw, an early newspaper man of this city.  He allowed the boys to play ball there the only use he had for the pasture land being to pasture old “Charlie,” a great black horse that had carried him through the Civil war . . . .

“Charlie” had earned a lifelong rest and Colonel Shaw intended him to have it, but sometimes the boys thought differently.  All played ball when they were feeling well, but occasionally, when one met with an accident or had sore muscles, he was forced out of the game.  With nothing better at hand the luckless player usually captured old “Charlie” and rode him about the field.

Finally from speaking “riding the Charlie horse,” the boys began to say they were troubled with “Charlie horse” when unable to play.  As the boys grew to be men and their base ball careers widened they carried the expression with them, until now it is a very small and unobservant boy who does not know the meaning of “Charlie horse,” and just what ails a ball player who is suffering from it.

New Castle Herald, July 2, 1907, page 2.

A fourth New Castle, Pennsylvania origin story suggests Joe Quest did not coin the expression, but learned it from other blacksmiths while working as one himself, and later introduced it into major league baseball.  The story was told by George Gore, who played centerfield for Chicago from 1879 through 1886, overlapping with Quest for four seasons.

“When George Gore, the New York fielder, was here with his nine, last week, I asked him the meaning of the base-ball term ‘charly horse,’” put in the Actor; “and he told me that little Joe Quest, the old Chicago player and umpire, had introduced the phrase into the League.  By trade, he said Quest was a blacksmith; and when he was at work in a foundry, some years ago, it was quite a common occurrence for a man who swung a heavy hammer continually to be affected with a sprain of the muscles and tendons of the fore-arm.  The workmen called this ailment a ‘charly hoorse;’ and when Quest introduced it into base-ball, it was at once adopted and given a broader meaning, and made to include sprains of all tendons and muscles.  This is said by Gore to be the real derivation of the curious term.”

William T. “Biff” Hall, The Turnover Club, tales told at the meetings of the Turnover club, about actors and actresses, Chicago, Rand, McNally & Company, 1890, page 94.


Ned Williamson

In 1895, Connie Mack, then managing the Pittsburgh Pirates, gave Ned Williamson, Quest’s teammate in New Castle and Chicago, credit for coining the expression.  Connie Mack first joined the National League with Washington in 1886, so he would only have heard the story second-hand.  The story involved Quest, but this time as the person suffering from the “Charley Horse,” not the one who coined it.

It started in Chicago.  There was kept on the ball grounds an old white horse named Charley.  He had a sprain in one of his fore legs, which caused him to limp.  One day ‘Joe’ Quest suddenly went lame, and ‘Ned’ Williamson, who observed Quest’s gait closely, discovered that it was identical with the limp of the old horse.  He immediately began calling Quest ‘Charley,’ and said ‘he walks just like our old Charley horse.’  After that Quest was known as ‘charley horse’ Quest, and when one of the players was afflicted in the same way he was said to have a Charley horse.”

Buffalo Enquirer (Buffalo, New York), August 1, 1895, page 8.

A similar story appeared a decade later with a few more details.

“CHARLEY HORSE.”

A white horse kept on the ball grounds in Chicago had been injured in one of his forelegs which gave him a peculiar limp.  Quest, Anson, Williamson and other members of the Chicago team were practicing in the early spring, when Quest started after a grounder.  The ground was soft and the sudden spurt made by Quest caused a cord in his leg to snap and he limped to the clubhouse.  Williamson yelled at him to “Wha, Charley! Say, fellows! D’you see Joe walking just the same as our old ‘Charley Horse?’”

Natchez Democrat (Natchez, Mississippi), May 14, 1904, page 2.


Generic “Charley-horse”

A similar explanation appeared a few years later, but this time it was Joe Quest who coined the expression to describe someone else’s condition.  This story also involves a generic “old Charley horse,” instead of a specific horse named “Charley,” an indication of the widespread practice at the time of calling old horses “Charley.”

The veteran second baseman, Joe Quest, gave it the name of “Charley-horse.”  One of the Chicago players had just pulled up with a bad strain.  Joe remarked that the player in question “hobbles like an old Charley horse.”  This remark christened the ailment.  It has been known by that name ever since.

Chicago Inter-Ocean, April 24, 1898, page 11.

A similar story appearing at about the same time explained the generic use of “Charley Horse” for any old horse.

Many who lived in the country will remember that when an old horse is turned out to die he is dubbed a “charley horse.” 

North Adams Transcript, April 25, 1898, page 7.

Although there is little other direct evidence unambiguously establishing such usage, numerous references to old “Charley Horses” (as opposed to “horses named Charley”) seems to corroborate the suggestion that “Charley Horse” was a common, generic designator for old, worn out horses.

[I]t was decided that we were to have a little black pony, strangely contrasting with the noble bearing of our “Charley” horse.

Christiana Holmes Tillson, Reminiscences of early life in Illinois, by Out Mother (typewritten transcription of handwritten notes prepared in the early 1870s).

The excellent old Charlie horsethat G. J. Gunter rode in the cavalry service during our late war, died on the 12th . . . .

West Alabamian (Carrollton, Alabama), November 27, 1878, page 2.

A. A. Case’s old Charlie horseis dead and some of the gossip-mongers believe that he committed suicide, but we have known this honest old horse lo these many years, and never knew him to be guilty of such a rash act before.

Labette County Democrat (Oswego, Kansas), October 14, 1881, page 1.

Ed. Dirst’s old Charley horsedied last Thursday, and we had a terrible time getting him out of the stable.  Coroner’s verdict: leanness of the ribs.

Richwood Gazette (Richwood, Ohio), February 1, 1883, page 2.

Poor Charlie horse, in the midst of his new and shining trappings, tossed his head and walked with a proud and happy step.

Biblical Recorder (Raleigh, North Carolina), April 20, 1884, page 3.

The Washington Fire Company have made application for a new horse to take the place of their Charlie horse.

Vicksburg Evening Post (Vicksburg, Mississippi), February 19, 1885, page 4.


Injured “Colt”

A pleasing explanation published in 1898 ties several disparate threads into one neat little package.  It involves Joe Quest, spring training, the generic use of “Charley Horse,” the Chicago White Stockings, their alternate nickname, “Anson’s Colts,”  and the origin of the term “Charley Horse” for the condition.  The person telling the story, Tom Burns, played for Chicago from 1880 through 1891.

Origin of Name “Colts.”

How many people know how the name of “Colts” came to be applied to the Chicago baseball team?  Tom Burns explained this in the course of reminiscences on spring practice seasons.  It was years ago at Hot Springs.  When it came time to line up the players, new and old, in two lines, the regular team took one side, first base alone being covered by a new player.  Anson played with the youngsters.  The teams were styled the “Old Horses” and “Anson’s Colts.”  After a time the Chicagos became known as “Anson’s Colts” and finally as the Colts.

To the same practice season at Hot Springs the origin of the term “charley horse” as applied to baseball can be traced.  Many who lived in the country will remember that when an old horse is turned out to die he is dubbed a “charley horse.” 

Joe Quest had this in mind when he strained his leg in practice on the chippy, gravelly diamond at Hot Springs, abhorred by all ball players.  Some one asked him his general symptoms, and, thinking of his name of Colt, he said he felt like an old “charley horse.”  The word soon had a place in baseball lingo as describing the ordinary strain.

North Adams Transcript, April 25, 1898, page 7.

One problem with the story is that Chicago was not regularly known as the “Colts” until 1887, a year after “Charley Horse” first appeared in print and several years after it is believed to have been coined.  The word “colt,” however, had been used to refer to young, inexperienced players in baseball and other sports for years.[viii]  So although the person relating the story may have conflated the general practice of referring to the younger players as “colts” with the later nickname, it is still plausible, even if it took place years before the well-known nickname took hold in 1887.

St Louis Post-Dispatch, October 30, 1900, page 6.


Racehorse

A very detailed explanation published in 1906 places the coining of the expression at a game Joe Quest played in Chicago against New York in 1882.  The story is very specific about several details, the location (the old lakefront stadium in Chicago), the opponent (New York Giants), and the players involved (Gore came up lame, Quest referred to him as “Charley Horse”).  Several of those details are demonstrably false. 

The New York Giants did not play with Chicago in the National League until 1883.  Chicago did play several exhibition series against the non-aligned New York Metropolitans in 1881 and 1882, but all of those games were played in New York City.  If Joe Quest was involved, it had to have happened in 1882 or earlier because he left the team after the 1882 season.  If the game took place in Chicago, it had to have happened without Quest in 1883 or later, as New York did not play a game in Chicago until 1883.  Either way, it casts the story into doubt.

Hugh Nicols, the source of the story, played with Quest and Williamson in Chicago in 1881 and 1882.


It’s a race horse story and it happened this way. . . .  There was racing down on the south side and some of the boys took great interest in it. . . . .  The tip had gone out the night before that a horse named ‘Charley’ was a sure winner for that afternoon. . . . The tip was touted as a cinch, it simply couldn’t lose, and we all got on.

Those of us who didn’t care so much for the jumpers were persuaded to lay down a few dimes by those who did, and we were all in with the exception of Joe Quest.  No amount of argument could induce him to bet a copper on that horse. . . .  Quest in the meantime had been getting some lively chaffing for his unwillingness to bet on what was a dead sure thing. . . .

In the last turn Charley stumbled, went lame in his right hind leg, and the field closed up.  Quest threw a fit: ‘Look, look!’ he shouted, as the first horse passed Charley.  ‘Look at your old Charley horse now.’  And he kept it up. . . .  Charley finished outside the money, and we didn’t hear the last of ‘our old Charley horse’ the rest of the day.

It was during the progress of the game the next day that the term came to be applied to ball players. . . . Quest was down the left coach line and was doing a famous job. . . . Gore had rapped out a single and Williamson was up.  He was a pretty sure hitter; but Gore was a good sprinter and Quest figured he could do the trip to second and he sent him away.  About half way down Gore stepped into a pocket and sprung a strain, just the way the racing pony had done the day before, and Quest sang out: ‘There’s your old Charley horse – he’d made it all right if it hadn’t been for that old Charley horse.

Gore was nailed, but the term stuck.

Chicago Tribune, April 15, 1906, page 10.


Charley “Old Hoss” Radbourne

Arizona Daily Star (Tuscon), August 14, 1943, page 6.

Charley Radbourne is a likely suspect because his name is Charley and his nickname, “Old Hoss,” is a variant of “Old Horse.”  According to an origin story first published in 1907 and told by an “old fan” from Bellefontaine, Ohio named Walker Miller, it happened in an exchange between Radbourne and his catcher, Sandy Nava, “an Italian, who spoke broken English.”  Walker said that it took place in the “late-1880s,” but it must have been earlier since Radbourne and Nava played together on the Providence Grays from 1882 through 1884.

In one game neither side scored for more than nine innings.  Excitement was intense.  Nava was dancing around like a crazy man, shouting in a mixture of Italian and English.  Finally, Radbourne landed one squarely in the nose, sending the ball over the fence for the only run of the game.

Radbourne hit around the bases at a merry clip, but when he reached second the players yelled to stop running, as the ball had scaled the fence.  Radbourne trotted to third, but after touchingthe bag, he suddenly developed a lameness and came limping home. 

Nava, seeing his battery pal in trouble, raced anxiously to Radbourne and patting him tenderly, said:

“What’s a’ malla you, Charley Hoss?”  The Italian used Radbourne’s first name and his nickname in the combination, which, Brown says, resulted in the term “charley horse.”

Tuscaloosa News (Alabama), March 10, 1907, page 2.

For the seasons of 1882 through 1884, the three years in which Radbourne and Nava played together on the same team, baseball-reference.com lists three 1-0 wins over Boston.  Accounts of those games on newspapers.com reveal that only one of those games ended with a solo homerun in extra innings.  Radbourne pitched in a 1-0 win over Boston on August 9, 1884, but it was Irwin, and not the “Old Hoss,” who ended the game “by lifting the ball over the right-field fence.”[ix]

Providence also beat Detroit by scores of 1-0 score during the same period.  One of those games matches Walker Miller’s description of the “Charley Horse” game almost exactly.  On August 17, 1882, Providence hosted Detroit in the “Greatest Game of Ball Ever Played.” Radbourne did not pitch that day, he was in right field.  But he did hit a game-winning, walk-off homerun in the eighteenth inning.  



The Detroit-Providence game of yesterday is unrivaled in the history of the league. . . .

The Free Press special from Providence states that the game eclipsed anything ever before seen there, and was finally won on Radbourne’s lucky hit over the left field fence, which would have been a sure out at Recreation Park, and was nearly a foul ball.

Detroit Free Press, August 18, 1882, page 6.

The most wonderful league game on record was played in [Providence] today between the Providence and Detroit clubs.

In the last half of the eighteenth Radbourne, for Providence, knocked one clean over the fence, on which there was no dispute[x], and Providence had won the fortieth victory for the season of 1882.

Chicago Tribune, August 18, 1882, page 6.

Amid tremendous excitement to-day Radbourne drove the ball over the left field fence for four bases in the eighteenth inning, and won the longest game on record in the league.

Chicago Inter-Ocean, August 18, 1882, page 2.

The “old fan” Walker Miller had a pretty good memory – nearly every detail of the game happened as he said, except for the year, the opponent (Detroit instead of Boston) and the position Radbourne played that day.  It is very possible that Sandy Nava did excitedly call Charley “Old Hoss” Radbourne a “Charley Horse” that day.  But Radbourne pitched nine innings in a 9-8 win over Detroit two days later, so it's not clear how injured he was, if at all.

But even assuming it happened precisely as Walker Miller said, it is not proof that Nava coined the expression.  Radbourne’s walk-off homerun took place in the second half of that season, with Providence just coming off a three game series with Chicago, their third such series of the season.  Nava could have heard the expression in a game against Chicago earlier that season before using it in Detroit.  It’s possible that Walker Miller, or whoever came up with the story, first heard the expression at the Providence game and mistakenly, if not unreasonably, assumed that it was coined on the spot with reference to Charley “Old Hoss” Radbourne.

The same could be said of any number of origin stories.  In each case, the person perpetuating the story may believe that the first time they heard it was the moment it was coined.  But in each case (except for the actual first use), the person telling or retelling the story may have mistakenly believed the first time they heard it for the first time it was ever used.  

What we do know is that the expression, “Charley Horse,” for a muscle pain, originated in baseball in about 1882.  There seems to be some likelihood that it happened in Chicago and that Joe Quest may have played a role.


Day Book(Chicago, Illinois), March 25, 1912, page 13.






[i]Excerpt from poem, “Excorcising a Demon,” John O’Keefe, “High and Low Ones,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, April 12, 1919, page 13.
[ii]Merriam-Webster.com.
[iii]Excerpt from poem, “Excorcising a Demon,” John O’Keefe, “High and Low Ones,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, April 12, 1919, page 13.
[iv] The artist, Al Demree, a pitcher in the major leagues for eight seasons, including stints with the New York Giants, Philadelphia Phillies and the Boston Braves, wrote a baseball-themed comic strip while playing in the major leagues.
[v]Atlas of the County of Lawrence and the State of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, G. M. Hopkins & Co., Page 49 (reproduction by Unigraphic, Inc., Evansville, Indiana, 1978).
[vi]New Castle Herald, July 2, 1907, page 2 ([Joe Quest] was one of the members of the famous ‘Nocks of ’76, which defeated every baseball team in the United States at the time, which had any claim to prominence.”
[vii]Forest Republican (Tionesta, Pennsylvania), September 15, 1875, page 4.
[viii]Chicago Tribune, March 17, 1878, page 7 (in discussing prospects for the upcoming baseball season, “Milwaukee it considers the colt team, and too light to cope with some of the other teams.”); Detroit Free Press, June 30, 1880, page 1 (“[T]he Peninsulars [cricket club] will have two matches on hand – their first eleven will play the return game with the Windsor Club – on the grounds of the latter – and the second eleven or colts’ team will play the St. Thomas (Ont.) Club at Recreation Park, game commencing with the “colts” at 11 o’clock sharp.”).
[ix]St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 10, 1884, page 7.
[x]There had been a dispute earlier in the game over a ball that left the field of play through a “carriage gate” in left field.  The ball was recovered, thrown home, and the batter thrown out at the plate.  His team argued that it should have counted as a homerun.  The appeal was denied.

Lincoln, Kennedy, Reagan and the Green Bay Packers - a History of the Annual Thanksgiving Turkey Pardon

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"The Goddess of Thanksgiving as she flies over prosperous country on her noble steed the turkey"

The Oshkosh Northwestern (Oshkosh, Wisconsin), November 25, 1899, page 12.



The Presidential pardon of the White House Thanksgiving Turkey has been an annual fixture of American pop-culture since President George H. W. Bush formalized the event in 1989.  But he wasn’t the first President to spare the life of a turkey. 

President Lincoln once spared the life of a turkey his son Tad had become attached to, but it was a Christmas Turkey, not Thanksgiving,[i] so arguably it doesn’t count. 

At a public event days before his death in 1963, President Kennedy spared the life of a turkey presented by the National Turkey Federation, saying, “Let’s Keeping Him Going.”  Although the President did not characterize it as such, reporters covering the event referred to it as a “reprieve”[ii]or “pardon.”[iii]

According to the White House Historical Association, First Daughter Patrician Nixon sent a turkey to a children’s farm and First Lady Rosalyn Carter sent one to a small zoo, but without direct Presidential involvement.   Under President Reagan, sparing the presentation turkeys and sending them to a farm to live out their days was routine, but it was done without public ceremony or proclamation.  George H. W. Bush began the practice of issuing official turkey pardons during the annual official White House turkey presentation ceremonies in 1989.[iv]  It has since become a beloved annual tradition.

But not everyone is a fan.  In 2014, Amy Ralston Povah penned an Op-Ed piece for the San Francisco Chronicle.  “Instead of sleepwalking through the obligatory turkey ‘pardon’ on the White House Lawn this year,” she wished that “President Obama would grant some real pardons – to humans.”  Ms. Povah had, herself, been the recipient of clemency from President Clinton nine years into a twenty-four year sentence related to her husband’s MDMA (ecstacy) trafficking activities.

It was an interesting proposal, but it would not have been anything new.  It would have been a return to the past.  What’s left out of most discussions of the history of the traditional Thanksgiving pardon for turkeys is the fact that it may have been modeled on a much older tradition of Thanksgiving pardons for people.


Humanitarian Pardons

The tradition appears to have begun, appropriately enough, in the Massachusetts, the state that invented Thanksgiving.  Governor Nathaniel P. Banks granted the first Thanksgiving pardon in 1860.

As an inducement to good behavior, the Governor and Council gave to the Warden the privilege of recommending two convicts for pardon, in cases where very marked mental or moral improvement had been exhibited.  One was pardoned on Thanksgiving day, the other on New Year’s.  This practice, if continued, will enlist all the inmates in the work of promoting good order in the prison.

Berkshire County Eagle (Pittsfield, Massachusetts), January 10, 1861, page 1.

The practice was continued, and he was remembered years later as the originator of the Thanksgiving pardon.

During the administration of Governor Banks the practice was introduced by the warden of the State Prison at Charlestown of pardoning on Thanksgiving Day a limited number of convicts.

Rutland Weekly Herald (Rutland, Vermont), December 14, 1865, page 4.

There is a curious custom in Massachusetts which dates back to the time when Nathaniel P. Banks was governor of that State, whereby each succeeding Governor has been called upon . . . to pardon on Thanksgiving Day two prisoners undergoing imprisonment for life. . . . 

The custom seems to have arisen from the idea that Thanksgiving Day ought to be signalized by a supreme act of mercy, and that men imprisoned for life for crimes falling short and in some cases barely escaping, through the skill of their lawyers, the death penalty were the most fitting recipients of this act of the executive favor.

The Baltimore Sun, December 24, 1891, page 2.

American Presidents eventually adopted the practice.  It’s not clear when it started, but it was considered customary before 1880.

A Presidential Pardon.

Boston, Dec. 5. [Note: Thanksgiving fell on December 5ththat year]

The President of the United states has pardoned Frederick W. Broders, formerly clerk in the Boston post office, who was sentenced oct. 23d, 1876, to four years in East Cambridge jail for embezzling valuable letters.  The pardon is granted on good reasons set forth in recommendations of the United States district attorney.

Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut), December 6, 1878, page 3.


A THANKSGIVING PARDON

President Hayes, in accordance with the custom at Thanksgiving season, signed to-day the pardon of the United States convict who will be liberated to-morrow from the Albany Penitentiary, where he is serving a sentence for larceny.  His name is Edward F. Peck, and it is claimed on his behalf that he committed the crime when he was intoxicated.

Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1879, page 2.

Governors in other states followed suit.

Thanksgiving pardons: Thomas Reed, of Wayne county, and James Hallanan, of Van Wert county.  Unsatisfactory evidence in the case of the former and consumption with the latter are the causes.

Summit County Beacon (Akron, Ohio), December 8, 1880, page 3.




Gov. Dockery will to0morrow grant three pardons to convicts in the state penitentiary, as provided by law, and which are known as the Thanksgiving pardons.  Nine convicts receive executive clemency in this manner annually, three each on the occasions of Thanksgiving, Christmas and Fourth of July.  Only long-termers are chosen for these pardons.

St. Louis Globe-Democrat, November 28, 1901, page 3.




In accordance with the custom which has obtained in the State almost from time out of mind, Gov. Frazier has granted a number of Thanksgiving pardons and commutations.

The Tennessean(Nashville, Tennessee), November 24, 1908, page 8.

In Tennessee, the purpose behind some of the pardons was to get support for the creation of juvenile reform schools.

In the recent campaign the Governor declared with great emphasis upon every stump in Tennessee where he spoke that it was his intention to pardon every boy sent to the penitentiary or the work-house unless the State provided a reformatory for juvenile offenders.  Probably no declaration of Gov. Frazier’s elicited such general and hearty applause as this statement did at every place where it was made.

The Tennessean(Nashville, Tennessee), November 24, 1908, page 8.

But not everyone was a fan.

Even in Massachusetts, the cradle of the Thanksgiving pardon, there was resistance as early as 1891. 

The strangest fact about this matter is that there has been in all this time no law of the State authorizing the annual release of prisoners of the highest grade held in custody under sentence of the courts. . . .

One of the prisoners pardoned and released this year on Thanksgiving Day was known as “the Pelham murderer,” and the grace extended to him seems to have aroused public interest in a custom which has nothing but sentimental considerations to rest upon, and which it is now beginning to be urged would be “more honored in the breach than the observance.”

. . . “The people,” says the Springfield Republican, “may very propery challenge an unwritten law of this character.  It has become a machine for nullifying the action of the courts and interfering with the execution of justice. . . . The Republican calls upon Governor Russell and his council to wipe out the rule which compels the granting of two pardons of this character on Thanksgiving Day, and let the law henceforth take its course.”

The Baltimore Sun, December 24, 1891, page 2.

Resistance was not futile.  Massachusetts discontinued the practice in 1893.



These Thanksgiving pardons . . . were continued until 1893, the last year of Gov. Russell’s administration, when the discontinuance of the Thanksgiving pardons was announced one week before the holiday.

Boston Globe, May 21, 1905, page 41.

Based on the frequency of “hits” on searches for “thanksgiving pardon” on a digital newspaper archive, the practice of Thanksgiving pardons appears to have peaked sometime around 1910. 

In some years, some Governors simply chose to forego the pardon.


Chattanooga Star (Chattanooga, Tennessee), November 29, 1907, page 2.

In Texas, the Governor granted no pardons for two years in a row.
 

. . . No Thanksgiving pardons were granted by the governor last year.

Austin American-Statesman (Austin, Texas), November 9, 1924, page 16.

But political winds shift quickly.  In 1925, Miriam A. “Ma” Ferguson, the first female Governor of Texas, granted 105 pardons.



Galveston Daily News, November 16, 1925, page 1.  

But some things never change.  Shortly after issuing her list of Thanksgiving pardons, the Governor left town for College Station to see the Texas-Texas A. and M. football game.[v]

But even as the tradition of Thanksgiving pardons dwindled, it never quite disappeared entirely.  In 1942, for example, the New Jersey State Court of Pardons issued a list of eighty-two prisoners to receive Thanksgiving pardons.  Even Governor Lester Maddox of Georgia (more famous less humanitarian acts) brought Thanksgiving pardons to Georgia in 1968.



Several hundred inmates of Georgia prisons will be released the day before Thanksgiving, State Pardons and Paroles Board chairman J. O. Partain Jr. said Wednesday, but the number will be smaller than last year’s Christmas release.

Gov. Lester Maddox initiated the mass release program last year to demonstrate the state’s concern to aid in rehabilitation by giving young prisoners a chance to enroll in school in the fall and allow adult prisoners to be home for Christmas.

The Atlanta Constitution, October 17, 1968, page 8.

President John F. Kennedy may have been generally aware of the faded tradition of Thanksgiving pardons.  In 1962, he issued five Thanksgiving Day pardons, most notably to Matthew J. Connelly, the Appointment Secretary to President Harry S. Truman, who had been convicted on “conspiring to defraud the government, to commit bribery and perjury, and to violate the Internal Revenue Laws.”

 

Times Democrat(Orangeburg, South Carolina), November 23, 1962, page 11.


One year later, a few days before his own death, Kennedy would grant a “reprieve” to his White House turkey, the first President since Lincoln known to have “pardoned” a turkey, although Lincoln’s bird was just a Christmas turkey.


A Turkey Pardon?

In 1857, the Governor of New York released a man known as “Tom Hand” (real name, Jacob Shuster) from Sing Sing prison.  His wife had lobbied for his release, despite the fact that she was the principle accuser in the case that lead to his arrest and conviction on counterfeiting charges.  He returned to his home in Philadelphia on Thanksgiving Day,[vi]suggesting, perhaps, that although the annual practice of granting Thanksgiving pardons started in Massachusetts in 1861, at least one earlier pardon suggests that the impulse to forgive on Thanksgiving may have been even older.

Ironically, “Tom Hand” had previously served time in a Federal penitentiary for stealing “the Government jewels from the Patent Office in Washington,” including a “flask of ottar of roses, presented to the United States Government by the Sultan of Turkey” (his sweet smell was apparently a factor in solving the case).  During that first term in prison, his wife “travelled repeatedly to Washington, and brought every influence to bear upon the President to obtain a pardon, but without success,”[vii]thereby depriving history of what would arguably have been the first Thanksgiving “Turkey” pardon.


Turkey Pardons

Lincoln

In the days before Christmas of 1863, with the nation mired in a Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln took time out from a Cabinet meeting to spare the life of his Christmas turkey.

Oregon Daily Journal (Portland, Oregon), February 6, 1916, page 44.

A friend of the Lincoln family once sent a fine live turkey to the White House, with the request that it should be served on the President’s Christmas table.  But Christmas was then several weeks off, and in the interim Tad won the confidence and esteem of the turkey, as he did the affection of every living thing with which he came in contact.  “Jack,” as the fowl had been named, was an object of great interest to Tad, who fed him, petted him, and began to teach him to follow his young master.  One day, just before Christmas, 1863, while the President was engaged with one of his Cabinet ministers on an affair of great moment, Tad burst into the room like a bomb-shell, sobbing and crying with rage and indignation.  The turkey was about to be killed.  Tad had procured from the executioner a stay or proceedings while he flew to lay the case before the President.  Jack must not be killed; it was wicked.

“But,” said the President, “Jack was sent here to be killed and eaten for this very Christmas.”

‘I can’t help it,” roared Tad, between his sobs.  “He’s a good turkey, and I don’t want him killed.”

The President of the United states, pausing in the midst of his business, took a card and wrote on it an order of reprieve.  The turkey’s life was spared, and Tad, seizing the precious bit of paper, fled to set him at liberty. 

“A Boy in the White House,” Noah Brooks, St. Nicholas Magazine, Volume 10, Number 1, November 1882, page 59. 


With his life spared, “Jack” the Christmas turkey settled into life as a White House pet, and might have voted in the 1864 Presidential election if not for his young age.

In the course of time Jack became very tame, and roamed at will about the premises.  He was a prime favorite with the soldiers – a company of Pennsylvania “Bucktails” – who were on guard at the house.  In the summer of 1864, the election for President being then pending, a commission was sent on from Pennsylvania to take the votes of the Pennsylvania soldiers in Washington.  While the “Bucktails” were voting, Tad rushed into his fathers’ room, the windows of which looked out on the lawn, crying, “Oh, the soldiers are voting for Lincoln for President!”  He dragged his father to the window and insisted that he should see this remarkable thing.  The turkey, now grown tall and free-mannered, stalked about among the soldiers, regarding the proceedings with much interest.

“Does Jack vote?” asked Lincoln, with a roguish twinkle of his eye.

Tad paused for a moment, nonplussed at the unexpected question; then rallying, he replied, “Why, no, of course not.  He isn’t of age yet.”

“A Boy in the White House,” Noah Brooks, St. Nicholas Magazine, Volume 10, Number 1, November 1882, pages 59-60. 



Kennedy

The next President known to have spared the life of a turkey is President John F. Kennedy, just one more in a whole host of “Weird Coincidences Between Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy.”

Unlike Lincoln, however, Kennedy did it in public as a photo-opportunity with the official White House turkey donated by the National Turkey Federation.  He did not characterize it as a “pardon,” but reporters covering the event characterized it as a “reprieve” or a “pardon.”

Courier-Journal(Louisville, Kentucky), November 20, 1963, page 12.
 
The Times(Shreveport, Louisiana), November 20, 1963, page 5.


Reagan

According to the White House Historical Association, First Daughter Patricia Nixon and First Lady Rosalyn Carter each sent at least one White House turkey to a children’s farm or a zoo, and President Reagan routinely sent his Thanksgiving birds to a farm, but without pomp or circumstance or “official” pardons.

But in 1987, Reagan joked about his willingness to pardon his turkey to deflect from answering a question about pardoning the White House aides caught up in the Iran-Contra Affair.  Rumors were swirling that President Reagan would announce pardons for Oliver North and others on Thanksgiving Day.  When asked about those rumors during the annual Rose Garden turkey presentation, President Reagan sidestepped the issue with a joke. 

A reporter first asked about what would happen to the turkey, a 55-pounder named “Hawaiian Charlie.”  Without reference to a pardon, a participant in the ceremony (not the President) answered that it was slated to go to a pet farm.  ABC News reporter, Sam Donaldson, then asked the President whether he would pardon the White House aides, to which Reagan replied, “That’s a question no one can answer at this point.”  When pressed for a further response, Regan added, “If they’d have given me a different answer about Charlie and his future, I would have pardoned him.”[viii]

Bush

His Vice President may have been taking notes.  Two years later, Vice President Bush, now President Bush, granted the White House turkey a “Presidential Pardon,”[ix]sparking the annual tradition that survives to this day.

President Bush’s 1989 official pardon may have been inspired by President Reagan’s off-the-cuff remark, but he could also have been inspired by a less-well known turkey pardon that took place in the intervening year.  In 1888, Tommy Thompson, the Governor of Wisconsin, officially pardoned a turkey involved in a flap between the Green Bay Packers and NFL Films.


The Green Bay Packers

On November 13, 1988, the 5-5 Indianapolis Colts visited Lambeau Field to take on the 2-8 Green Bay Packers.  A beer vendor smuggled a turkey into the stadium by hiding it in a beer truck, hid the turkey in his coat and dumped it onto the field between the first and second quarters.  It was widely seen at the time as commentary on the Packers’ season.  At halftime, Bob Costas commented that “a fan, looking to show displeasure with the Packers brought a turkey to Lambeau Field” (at the time, “turkey” was a ubiquitous slang insult). 

In the aftermath of the game, NFL Films arranged for the Governor of Wisconsin to issue an official pardon to be shown on one of its highlight shows, which the Packers coach, Lindy Infante, found insulting.[x]  The perpetrator was never caught, but the case was finally solved when one of the co-conspirators confessed her role in the affair after seeing a TV-news bit on the thirtieth-anniversary of the game.[xi]  

Governor Tommy Thompson would later serve as the Secretary of Health and Human Services under George H. W. Bush’s son, President George W. Bush.  There’s no indication that the appointment was payback for helping his father develop the annual turkey-pardoning ceremony.


The First Thanksgiving pardon? Indianapolis News, November 29, 1900, page 15.

No pardon at all.  Indianapolis News, November 29, 1900, page 15.





[i]“A Boy in the White House,” Noah Brooks, St. Nicholas Magazine, Volume 10, Number 1, November 1882, page 59-60.  The author “was a journalist and frequent visitor to the White House” who had befriended Lincoln in 1856.  See, for example, http://www.mrlincolnswhitehouse.org/residents-visitors/notable-visitors/notable-visitors-noah-brooks-1830-1903/.
[ii]United Press International, The Journal Herald (Dayton, Ohio), November 20, 1963, page 6.
[iii]Headline, The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), November 20, 1963, page 12.
[iv]“Pardoning the Thanksgiving Turkey,” Betty C. Monkman, The White House Historical Association. https://www.whitehousehistory.org/pardoning-the-thanksgiving-turkey
[v]Weekly Town Talk (Alexandria, Louisiana), November 28, 1925, page 1.
[vi]Evening Star (Washington DC), May 9, 1857, page 1.
[vii]Evening Star (Washington DC), May 9, 1857, page 1.
[viii]Reagan Library YouTube Channel, Thanksgiving Turkey Presentation to President Reagan on November 23, 1987. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wbUlM5ZAT_g
[ix]The Bush Library YouTube Channel, MT154 Proclamation Signing and Presentation of Thanksgiving Turkey – 17 November 1989, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X1oUZkIjBaI
[x]Billings Gazette (Billings, Montana), November 25, 1988, page 2.
[xi]“’Fowl’ play: Woman reveals truth about Lambeau Field turkey prank, WBAY, ABC 2 Green Bay. https://www.wbay.com/content/news/Fowl-play-Woman-reveals-truth-about-Lambeau-Field-turkey-prank-503248001.html

George Van Derbeck and the Early History of Night Baseball

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George Van Derbeck founded three baseball teams, each of which introduced a now-familiar team-name into American sports: the Portland Webfooters (1890), a precursor of the Oregon Ducks name now associated with the University of Oregon; the Los Angeles Angels (1892), the first professional league baseball team in Los Angeles, a precursor to today's Los Angeles Angels of Anaheim in the American League; and the Detroit Tigers (1894), who are still in business as the Detroit Tigers of the American League.  

For more background on George Van Derbeck and a history of his three teams and team names, see my earlier post, Angels and Tigers and Ducks - a Baseball Biography of George A. Van Derbeck

Coincidentally, all three of his baseball teams were involved in three of only a hand-full of early experiments in night baseball under the light.

In 1896, Van Derbeck's Detroit Tigers baseball team, then in the Western League, arranged what may be the earliest night game involving a major league team, an end-of-the-season exhibition meeting with the Cincinnati Reds of the National League.[i]  Little is known about what happened at the game, the results were not published and the result of the game was not included in a summary of the four-game series played between the teams that week, in which Detroit bested the National Leaguers three games to one.[ii]

The game is not a major landmark in baseball history.  It did not spark a trend of more night games, it was not the first game ever played under electric lights, and wasn’t even the first George Van Derbeck team to play a night game.

People had been dreaming about playing baseball at night from the moment Edison invented his light bulb.

The New Orleans Picayune has discovered that Edison has not lived in vain – base ball can be played under his light.

The Brenham Weekly Banner (Brenham, Texas), December 27 1878.

The night may not be distant when a nine inning base ball game will be played under its rays.

Little Falls Transcript (Little Falls, Minnesota), August 7, 1879, page 1 (reprint of New York Sun article).

Children in New York City’s City Hall Park played “tag and leap frog” under the “vivid rays” of an electric light mounted on the New York Sun Building in 1879, prompting one observer to imagine that, “the night may not be distant when a nine inning base ball game will be played under” electric light.[iii]  Any children who might have played baseball under that same light would have been among the first people anywhere to play a night game of baseball under the lights.[iv]

Employees of two Boston mail-order retailers, R. H. White & Co. and Jordan, March & Co., played what is believed to be the first game of night baseball at the Sea Foam House in Hull, Massachusetts on September 2, 1880.[v] 

The National League’s Indianapolis team scheduled a night game against Fort Wayne of the Northwestern League in 1883, which would have been the first all-professional night game if it had actually taken place.  The game was initially postponed due to weather, and later cancelled after an exhibition game on the same field, between a minor-league team from Quincy, Illinois and a college team from Fort Wayne, demonstrated the inadequacy of the light for satisfactory fielding.[vi] 

In 1888, Indianapolis and Detroit scheduled what would have been the night game between two major league teams, this time under gaslight instead of electric lights.  Tests with two lights seemed promising, but when they added more lights, the light from each became dimmer.  The team owner eventually scrapped the idea.[vii]

In 1890, Hartford hosted Baltimore in a nighttime exhibition game played under eight arc lights one evening after a regular-season, Atlantic Association matchup.[viii]  To lessen the dangers of playing in relative darkness they played with a softened ball and pitched under-handed.  The game lasted only a few innings.

The Electric Light Picnic.

Twenty-five hundred persons gathered at the ball grounds tonight, expecting to see a base-ball game by electric light. The game was a farce.  Only a few innings were played, and nobody knows the score, although Hartford is believed to have won.  Score cards were sold, but they could not be used, as, in the absence of a sufficient number of policemen, the crowd rushed upon the field.  Eight arc lights were used – three at first base, three near third, two in centre field and one on the grand-stand, but the number proved inadequate.  A twenty-cent ball was used, and it was softened by being pounded with the bat.  Daniels and Valentine tried to do the umpiring.  Kid and O-Rourke were the pitchers and tossed the ball to the batter in the old-fashioned style.

The Baltimore Sun, July 24, 1890, page 6.

With night games so few and far between at the time, it is interesting to note that the Detroit Tigers were not George Van Derbeck’s first team to play at night; they were his third team to experience night baseball. 

George Van Derbeck brought professional baseball to Portland, Oregon with his first professional baseball team, the Portland Webfooters (the team’s nickname a precursor to the now-well known Oregon Ducks).[ix] In August of 1891, the Webfooters played a three-inning, nighttime exhibition game at Spokane following an official Northwestern League matchup in the afternoon. 

A NIGHT OF SPORT
Baseball by Electric Light Next Sunday Evening.

Next Sunday evening a unique entertainment will be given at the ball park at Twickenham under the auspices of the Spokane Athletic Club.  Fifty arc lights will be placed on the grounds, and a game of ball will be played between the Spokane and Portland teams.  Each player will appear in a grotesquely ridiculous suit of his own selection, and a prize will be given to the player appearing in the funniest make-up. 

The Spokane Review, August 2, 1891, page 8.


Spokane Chronicle, August 8, 1891, page 5.

The Webfooters took the daytime game by a score of 8-6[x]and prevailed in the abbreviated night game 4-3.

SPORT BY ELECTRIC LIGHT.
A Large Attendance and Interesting Contests Indulged In.

Spokane, Aug. 9. – [Special.] – Five thousand people saw the ball game and other sports by electric light tonight. The ball grounds were brilliantly illuminated by seventy-five arc lights.  Three innings were played, Portland winning by 4 to 3.  The Spokane players wore ridiculous costumes.  Manager Barnes was umpire, and enforced his decisions with a revolver and blank cartridges.  Tom Parrott won the 100-yard dash, with Stenzel second.  Parrott also won the ball for throwing a distance of 370 feet.  Flaherty was second, 363 feet.  Other events made up a ninteresting programme, and the novelty of the sports by electric light was an unqualified success.

Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 10, 1891, page 3.

Van Derbeck founded his second team in Los Angeles in 1892.  In 1893, his team, the original Los Angeles Angels (a century before they were “of Anaheim”), staged a “Burlesque” game of night baseball before a capacity crowd following an official, California League day-game against Stockton.  Van Derbeck himself had been forced out of the league before the start of the season, so he was not personally involved in the game.  He moved to Detroit to start the Tigers before the end of the year.[xi]

The Angels took the day-game by a score of 7-3.  The home team was also won the nightcap 5-2, but the score was meaningless in a game played entirely for comedic effect.  The game featured a bulldog, an Angel dressed as the Devil, reverse base-running, and a potato race.



Some twenty arc lights were hung over the diamond, and a search light was manipulated from over the grand stand so as to strike any desired spot on the grounds.

Soon after 8 o’clock there was music by the band, and the procession approached the diamond.  Manager Lindley came first, wearing a hat nearly as tall as himself, and trailing behind were the respective members of the two teams accompanied by the musicians.

The costumes were of variegated colors and of fantastic designs, and their appearance provoked roars of merriment.  One of the Angels, sad to relate, had temporarily so far fallen from grace as to appear like a certain character whose raiment is of red and whose feet are cloven.

After marching two or three times around the grounds there was a neat little introductory speech by Manager Lindley, after which the players took their positions.  Umpire Brink stood just behind the pitcher and held a rope in his hand.  There was a bull dog on the other end of the rope.

The various players then took turns in going to bat.  Some of didn’t go to bat, but used an old broom or umbrella instead.  It was a play-as-you-please game, and they were not over particular about the rules.  One of the batters even ran to third base instead of to first.  Hits became fouls and fouls were decided to be strikes, which caused the crowd to yell.  This nettled the bull dog, and he caught a fly on his own account.

A committee was appointed to get the ball again without getting a bit, and, after this had been done, there was some more sorrowful batting.  Sometimes the ball would drop to the ground close to the batter, and he would make a home run before the sphere was picked up.  There was more agony drawn out to some length, during which the bull dog got weary and was retired from the field.

The game was finally awarded to the home team by a score of 5 to 2, and then the Angels with one fell swoop of their wings polished the Stockton chaps off the diamond.

A song rendered by “Buck” Hughes was liberally encored, and a potato race by four nimble colored individuals concluded the evening’s entertainment.

The Los Angeles Times, July 3, 1893, page 2.





[i]For more information, see,“The First Night Game at Michigan & Trumbull was Played in 1896,” Richard Bak, VintageDetroit.com, August 31, 2011. https://www.vintagedetroit.com/blog/2011/08/31/the-first-night-game-at-michigan-trumbull-was-played-in-1896/
[iii]Little Falls Transcript (Little Falls, Minnesota), August 7, 1879, page 1 (reprinted from the New York Sun.).
[viii]“Night Baseball in the 19th Century,” Eric Miklich, 19cbaseball.com. http://www.19cbaseball.com/field-10.html
[x]Seattle Post-Intelligencer, August 10, 1891, page 3.
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