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President Taft, Governor McKinley and the “Lucky Seventh” Inning – the History and Origins of the Ceremonial “First Pitch” and the “Seventh Inning Stretch”

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William Howard Taft, the 27th President of the United States, is remembered as America’s biggest President (340 lbs) and America’s biggest baseball fan.  He is generally (but mistakenly) credited with helping initiate two long-standing American baseball traditions, the ceremonial first ball and the seventh inning stretch; both on the same day. (He also nearby when “Happy Hour” was invented)

On April 14, 1910, President Taft threw out the first ball of the the Washington Senators’ opening day game with the Philadelphia Athletics:



Catcher Street stood at the home plate ready to receive the ball, but the President knew the pitcher was the man who usually began business operations with it, so he threw it straight to Pitcher Walter Johnson.  The throw was a little low, but the pitcher struck out his long arm and grabbed the ball before it hit the ground.  The ball was never actually put in play, as it is to be retained as a souvenir of the occasion.

The Los Angeles Times, April 15, 1910, page 7.

Seven innings later, the President reportedly stood up to stretch, thus spawning the traditional “seventh inning stretch.”[i]

But Taft receives too much credit, on both accounts.  This was not the first ceremonial “first ball” and not the first time fans made a point of standing stood during the seventh inning.  And, even if President Taft had inaugurated both practices, the dates are all wrong – he took part in both traditions the previous year; and even then, both traditions were already decades old.  But his widely reported and enthusiastic participation in our “National Game” may have helped cement those traditions in the collective American psyche.


President Taft and Baseball

Taft was not just any baseball fan – he was its biggest fan and its biggest cheerleader.  Presidential interest in baseball was followed particularly closely because baseball was America’s “National Game.”  It was already becoming the “National Game” when President Johnson broke his promise to attend a game:

The New York Base Ball Club, the Atlantic, and several other clubs which are holding friendly matches in Washington, visited the President on Wednesday and were very cordially received.  The President promised, if possible, to be present at the game of base-ball that would take place at Washington in September, on the occasion of the visit of the Excelsior Club of Brooklyn, the players being anxious to obtain his endorsement of what is fast becoming a national game.

The Cleveland Leader, September 5, 1865, page 3.

President Taft, on the other hand, was a man of his word – or at least a man of conviction – and his conviction was baseball.  He is known to have attended at least a dozen games during his presidency,[ii]and was the first sitting President to take in a professional baseball game outside the friendly confines of Washington DC, attending games in Pittsburgh, Chicago, St. Louis and his hometown of Cincinnati, Ohio.  His interest in the game gave it a certain gravitas:

The Evening Statesman (Walla Walla, Washington), September 25, 1909, page 3.
 The prestige which baseball gains by numbering among its admirers a president of the United States who has graced three major league diamonds during the current season is inestimable.  President Taft’s presence at the Washington baseball park, at Forbes field, Pittsburg’s new ball plant, and recently at the Chicago’s National league grounds means to the American public that its leading citizen, blessed with a clear mind and a great one, approves of its favorite pastime. . . .
President Taft is not a baseball fan because it is the popular pastime, but because he is one and because he not only likes the game, but knows it.

The Evening Statesman (Walla Walla, Washington), September 25, 1909, page 3.

Los Angeles Herald, June 19, 1910, page 8.

Taft may have had other reasons to take an interest in the game – it was a family business.  The President’s brother Charles, a newspaper editor in Cincinnati, had close business ties to the Chicago Cubs: [iii]

Before the 1906 season:

C. P. Taft was also dragged into the National League’s net when he was induced to pay $100,000 for the controlling interest in the Chicago club . . .  His club is in the hands of Charles W. Murphy, a former Cincinnati newspaper man, who at present is making things hum in the Windy City.

The Sun (New York), February 25, 1906, page 34.

Taft and Murphy turned the Cubs’ fortunes around.  They won the National League pennant that year, behind the fielding of Tinker, Evers and Chance (but lost the World Series to their cross-town rivals, the White Sox).

Charles Taft’s wife even helped put the nail in the coffin of former Cubs (earlier the “White Stockings”) Hall of Famer, Cap Anson’s billiard parlor business:

The troubles of Cap Anson, which made Charles P. Taft, brother of the Republican candidate for President, a baseball promoter, Charles W. Murphy a magnate, and the Cubs pennant winners, culminated to-day, when Mrs. Anna S. Taft, wife of the nominee’s brother, was given a judgement for possession of premises occupied by A. C. Anson & Co. as a billiard hall at 135-141 Madison street.

Washington Herald, September 3, 1909, page 38.

Charles Taft’s interests in baseball did not end with the Cubs.  In 1910, he purchased the Phillies’ stadium (without taking any shares in the team); making him one of the most powerful men in baseball at the time:
The Jasper Weekly Courier (Jasper, Indiana), January 14, 1910, page 7.



Despite his rooting interests in the game, President Taft does not appear to have played organized baseball.  But he could hit; as he demonstrated in a friendly game between his campaign staff and the press corps during a break on his presidential campaign of 1908 (can you imagine Hilary or The Donald playing baseball with the press?). 

Candidate Taft entered the game in the bottom of the 8th, with no outs, the bases loaded and the score tied.  Despite being put out (by his son), he knocked in the deciding run:

. . . Mr. Taft drew back, swung his bat, hitting the ball fairly and sending it, rather a hot one, straight into the hands of his son Charley, who was the shortstop of the correspondents.  Charley held fast to it and put his distinguished father out. . . . As Judge Taft hit the ball Senator Beveridge started for second base and, of course, was put out, Charley thus figuring in a double play.  In the mix-up that followed one run scored and the “Steam Rollers” [(Taft’s team)]were encouraged to renewed efforts. 

The Cincinnati Enquirer, July 7, 1908, page 6.

His team won by three runs.

The ceremonial “first ball” President Taft threw at the Senator’s opening day game in 1910 may have been the first-ever Presidential “first pitch,” but it was not the first-ever ceremonial “first pitch” – it was not even President Taft’s first ceremonial “first pitch” as President.  Nor was his “seventh inning stretch” that day his first. 

On May 29, 1909, President Taft threw out the first pitch at a baseball game in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania.  Several hours later, he enjoyed what we now call a “seventh inning stretch” at a Pirates-Cubs game.

Well, to be fair, he threw out the first two pitches – his first pitch was no good – and the second one wasn’t much better.  It was not a professional game; it was a Yale alumni game (Taft went to Yale):

Not Much of a Pitcher.

President Taft With the Yale Men at Pittsburg.

Early in the afternoon President Taft grasped a bat as he started to the big ball field where the Yale alumni were choosing up sides.

“I will pitch,” said Mr. Taft as he dropped the bat and strode toward a big burdock leaf which did duty as a pitcher’s box.  A yell of delight went up from the thousands as they saw him poise in “the box.”  He gave a mighty heave.  The ball plunked into the grass about 50 feet short of the plate.

“William,” snorted Charles Taft, the real baseball end of the Taft family, in deepest disgust, while President Taft glared after the ball and glanced about as if he would make trouble.
“Some one greased the ball,” suggested United States Secretary of State Knox as soon as he could get his voice.
President Taft made one more effort, but it was worse than the first.  He clapped his hand to his shoulder as if he had injured it and walked lopsided off the burdock leaf smiling a real Taft smile.  The crowd of a few thousand simply roared in joy. – Pittsburg Dispatch to Cincinnati Enquirer.

The Barre Daily Times (Barre, Vermont), June 19, 1909, page 2.

THE PRESIDENT IN THE PITCHER’S BOX
In the game between two teams made up of Yale graduates at Pittsburg on Saturday.

A few hours (and a few more appearances later), the President was whisked off to watch his brother’s Cubs play the Pittsburg Pirates Forbes’ Field.  It was the first time a sitting President attended a professional baseball game outside of Washington DC.  He did not throw out the first pitch – but he stood up during the seventh inning:

In the seventh inning Mr. Taft stood up in his seat to bring luck to the home team, just as the loyal Pittsburg fans did.

The Sun, May 30, 1909, page 1.


Ceremonial First Pitches

No one knows who threw out the first ceremonial “first ball” or “first pitch” at a baseball game, but it is clear that it was not President Taft.  Taft was not even the first person to serve as President to throw out a ceremonial “first ball.”  President (then Governor) McKinley beat him to the punch by nearly twenty years:

Governor McKinley Started It.

Columbus, O., April 16. – The Western championship season opened here today under favorable auspices in spite of the cold and threatening weather.  There was a parade of the Columbus and Toledo clubs, with a band concert before the game, and Governor McKinley threw the ball into the diamond.

Omaha Daily Bee, April 17, 1892, page 2.

McKinley may have started that game, but even he did not start the tradition.  He may, however, have been one of the earliest.  I could only find one earlier example; at a double-header between Canton, Ohio and Wheeling, West Virginia of the Tri-State League:

The mayor of Wheeling pitched the first ball, and it was a very good one.

Pittsburg Dispatch, May 1, 1890, page 6.

Beginning in about 1895, however, numerous references to similar “first balls” appeared in newspapers in all corners of the United States:

New York City:

At the opening championship game of baseball at the polo grounds there were 20,000 persons present.  Mayor Strong threw a new ball from the upper tier of the grand stand to Umpire Lynch, and when the word came to play ball, the season of 1895 was formally opened.

The Evening Herald (Shenandoah, Pennsylvania), April 19, 1895, page 3.

Louisville, Kentucky:

With the weather all that could be desired, and a crowd numbering over 8,000 people, the opening of the season at Louisville was successful.  Mayor Tyler, escorted by President Stuckey, received an ovation as he walked out to the home plate and drove the sphere over the rubber.

The Roanoke Times, April 19, 1895, page 1.

Topeka, Kansas:

Governor Morrill will throw the first ball at the opening game of the season on the Topeka grounds May 16.

The Topeka State Journal (Kansas), April 24, 1895, page 5.

Bayonne, New Jersey:

There may be a brass band and, in all probability the newly-elected Mayor of Bayonne will throw the ball in for the opening game.

The Evening World, April 25, 1895, page 7.

Wheeling, West, Virginia:

When the mayor concluded, he threw the Reach [(a brand name)] ball into the diamond, Umpire McNierney in a fog-horn tone called “play ball” . . . .

The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer, May 3, 1895, page 7.

In 1903, the Helena, Montana baseball team invited President Roosevelt, who was in the neighborhood visiting Yellowstone, to throw out the "first ball" of their season:


The Pioneer Express, April 3, 1903, page 7.

Although he apparently declined, he may have helped arrange for the Prime Minister of Japan to throw out the "first ball" of an American baseball tour of Japan in 1908:

The Hawaiian Star (Honolulu), August 18, 1908, page 6.
 
Whether the President had a hand in it or not, a former Prime Minister of Japan did throw out the "first ball" at the Reach All-American Club's first game in Japan; making Count Okuma in all likelihood the first Chief Executive (or former chief executive) of any country to throw out a ceremonial "first pitch":

Los Angeles Herald, November 23, 1908, page 6.


The practice of bringing in local politicians or VIPs appears to have been limited, for the most part, to opening day.  All of these early examples, and all of the numerous examples I browsed through, spanning the next two decades, were clustered in and around the months of March, April and May, the traditional starting dates for baseball seasons.

These early “first ball” proceedings could take on any number of forms: sometimes the VIP threw the ball in from the stands; on other occasions, the VIP took the pitcher’s mound; in some cases, an opposing batter stood in the batter’s box; and in some instances, multiple VIPs played several positions:


Lincoln. Neb., April 28. – The Lincoln Western league baseball club has secured the services of a distinguished battery for the local season’s opening on May 10.  William J. Bryan is to mount the pine slab and pitch the first ball, while Governor A. C.Shallenberger is to don the windpad behind the slab.  Mayor Don L. Love, of Lincoln, armed with a bat, will endeavor to knock Bryan out of the box.

The Mitchell Capital (Mitchell, South Dakota), April 28, 1910, page 2.

Mayor William A. Magee then entered into the festivities by tossing out the ball from his boxin the balcony.  The mayor showed speed and accuracy in his throw to Director Morin, who stood on the first base line.  Morin, not to be outdone, gathered in the ball in a style that made everyone sit up and take notice . . . .  The Pirates took their position in the field with Gibson behind the bat.  Huggins, second baseman for St. Louis, the first batter up, faced Director Morin.  Then he jumped about three feet into the air.  Director Morin had pitched a hot inshoot that went straight for Huggins’ legs.

Pittsburgh Daily Post, April 22, 1910, page 11.

As long-lived as the tradition of the ceremonial “first ball” is, the tradition of the “Lucky Seventh” inning, the precursor to the “seventh inning stretch,” is much older.


“Lucky Seventh” Inning

The “seventh inning stretch” is a time-honored baseball tradition when nearly everyone in the stadium stands up at their seat before the home team bats in the bottom of the seventh inning, and sings the song, “Take Me Out to the Ball Game.”  For Americans who grew up with the tradition, it is a beautiful, shared communal experience.   

The earliest example of the expression, “the seventh inning stretch,” that I could find dates to 1903.  The discussion of the stretch suggests that the practice was not universal, even if practiced widely elsewhere:
 
Oregon Daily Journal, June 29, 1903, page 3.

The suggestion appears to have found fertile ground:

Oregon Daily Journal, June 30, 1903, page 3.

The expression was common by 1913, and was also called “the stand up inning,” on occasion.  All of the elements of the modern “seventh inning stretch” – the standing and (on occasion) singing – were firmly entrenched, under one name or the other, before 1910. 

The ritual singing of singing “Take Me Out to the Ball Game,” however, dates to only about 1940.  The song itself, however, was a popular staple of baseball games from the moment it made its debut, in  about June 1908.  Although there are numerous accounts of the song being sung before or during games in 1908 and afterwards, none of them unambiguously suggest singing the song during the “seventh inning stretch.”

The modern “seventh inning stretch” grew out of an old-timey baseball superstition, the “Lucky Seventh” inning.  The “Lucky Seventh” was generally when the home team came up to bat in the seventh inning.  It was the moment of the game when the home team was expected (or hoped) to experience a string of good luck.  To encourage the team’s good fortunes, fans sometimes rose, sang, cheered, and otherwise rooted the team on, with the hope (or expectation) that their exertions would somehow transfer to the team.  It didn’t always work.




“Everybody up.”
“All stretch.”
“The lucky seventh.”
“This is when we win.”

Every baseball fan in the country knows what those remarks mean.

For years the seventh inning of a baseball game has been known as the “lucky seventh” and all sorts of mascotic influences are fondly imagined to be focused right in that particular period.  The home club is supposed to be the one on whom the smiles of Dame Fortune fall, but it makes no difference if the home team is put out in that inning and the visiting players clout the ball for keeps, it is still the same old “lucky seventh” the next day.

In New York at both polo grounds and American league park it is the custom in the interval between the sixth and seventh inning for all the spectators to stand up even if they do not stretch themselves.  The mere act of rising is sufficient, according to the fan code of ethics to show one is rooting for the home team.  The same custom prevails on nearly every baseball grounds in the country, and recently in Chicago on a very hot day when every spectator of the over 20,0000 at the National league park was either coatless or white shirt waisted, as the immense assemblage rose to its feet it resembled a mammoth bank of snow moving restlessly as if preparing for an avalanche of the “beautiful.”  It was as a spectacle a pretty sight, but the sentiment behind the move of unity shoed a loyalty of feeling to the home players that was even prettier than the mere scene.

El Paso Herald, July 23, 1910, page 22.

The same article recounts “Cap” Anson’s tall-story about the tradition’s origins, although his story is demonstrably false:

In the early ‘70s the Athletics, of Philadelphia, and the Boston Red Stockings were playing a very important series of games in the Quaker City, on the result of which the championship of that year depended.
. . .

Ever since that great game the seventh inning has been called the ‘lucky seventh.’

El Paso Herald, July 23, 1910, page 22.

To make a long story short, he claims to have hit his seventh home run of the season, in the seventh inning, scoring the team’s seventh run, their pitcher was the seventh son of a seventh son, their mascot was seven years old, and they won their seventh game in a row, to capture the title.  It makes a good story, but in 1871, the only season of the 1870s in which the Athletics finished in first place, they finished the season with a four-game winning streak, not seven – and their longest streak of the season was only six games – not seven.[iv]It seems likely that their pitcher was not the seventh son of a seventh son either.

Another source gives a more plausible account of the origin of the “Lucky Seventh”; one supported by contemporary accounts of the game.

In 1860, before the age of professional baseball, two New York City powerhouse baseball clubs, Atlantic and Excelsior, faced off in a highly anticipated, closely watched series of three games.[v]  In the first game, the defending champion, Atlantics, were embarrassed 23-4.  They were looking for revenge when they faced off in the second game of the series, on August 9, 1860.  But after falling behind 8 runs to 0 after three innings, and finding themselves down 12-6 after six, the Atlantics needed a miracle – or some luck – to pull out the win.  They found it in the “Lucky Seventh” inning:

Atlantics Start “Lucky Seventh,”

That seventh inning, which was thereafter called “the lucky seventh,” was a memorable one in the annals of the Atlantics’ career, for a finer display of batting was never before seen in this vicinity. . . . 

The result of this inning decided the game, the Atlantics making 9 runs and bringing their total up to 15.  The Excelsiors just missed tieing the score, and that was all they could do, so brilliantly did the Atlantics play in the field.

The Daily Eagle (Brooklyn, New York), December 25, 1910, page 45.

This story at least jibes with contemporary accounts of the game:

[T]hen commenced their 7th innings, which will hereafter be spoken of as an event in the annals of their career, for a finer display of batting was never seen on a ball ground, this notable innings being marked, too, by one of the greatest instances of fielding ever witnessed in this country, Russell’s catch of the ball sent by Price to left field being one of the finest ever made. 

“Grand Base Ball Match, the Atlantics Victorious,” The New York Clipper, August 18, 1860, page 139.

New York Daily Tribune, August 10, 1860, page 8.

The third game ended in a disputed draw before even reaching the seventh inning.  The two teams never played again.[vi]

The claim that this game was the origin of the “Lucky Seventh” was made fifty years after the fact, so perhaps we should take it with a grain of salt.  The number seven, after all, had long been considered lucky.  It is possible that any number of teams, at any number of times, experienced good fortune in the seventh inning and could have called it lucky for that reason. 

But the fact that this particular seventh inning took place in a high-profile rematch of the two highest profile teams of their day, and at the dawn of baseball-mania in the United States, makes it at least plausible that could have inspired the expression.    If it did, the sportswriter of 1860 was right; the collective memory of the game lives on today in the “seventh inning stretch” – despite our collective ignorance as to why.

 The earliest evidence of a crowd standing up during the “Lucky Seventh” inning dates to the late 1860s.  Whether it was related to the “Lucky Seventh” superstition or merely reflected the need to stretch legs late in a long game is unclear.  In 1869, Harry Wright of the Cincinnati Red Stockings wrote:

The spectators all arise between halves of the seventh inning, extend their legs and arms and sometimes walk about.  In so doing they enjoy the relief afforded by relaxation from a long posture upon hard benches.”


Twenty years later, the “Lucky Seventh” was a widespread baseball superstition and custom.

In Indianapolis in 1885:

The Lucky Seventh.

The fact that the seventh is the home team's lucky inning was again demonstrated at the Seventh Street Park yesterday afternoon . . . .

The Indianapolis Sentinel, May 29, 1885, page 5.

In Washington DC in in 1887:

Beaten By Detroit.

The rain that began to fall during the seventh inning of the Washington-Detroit game yesterday, and which eventually caused the game to be called before the home nine had a chance to try their side of the proverbial "lucky seventh," undoubtedly prevented the heavy-hitting Wolverines from adding some large figures to their batting record.

Evening Star (Washington DC), August 23, 1887, page 4.

In Chicago in 1888:

The black-hosed men [(Indianapolis Hoosiers)] made a rally in the heretofore lucky seventh.

The Daily Tribune (Chicago, Illinois), July 26, 1888, page 6.

In Omaha in 1888:

Chicago Once More Shut Out By the Home Team.
. . .
[In the top of the seventh] For Chicago, Dwyer, Long and Crogan went out, just as easy as the pleurisy.

The lucky seventh was now reached, and in this the Omahogs clinched their victory by adding two more tallies to their score.

Omaha Daily Bee (Nebraska), May 11, 1888, page 2.

In New York in 1889:

New York, May 29. – The New York and Indianapolis teams played their second game together at St. George, Staten island, to-day, before about the smallest crowd of the season – 866 half-frozen mortals. . . .

In the Giants’ lucky seventh inning the champions scored three runs and took the lead.
The Indianapolis Journal, May 30, 1889, page 3.

The earliest example unambiguously combining the practice of standing up with the "Lucky Seventh" superstition comes from game one of the 1889 World Series:

As the seventh opened somebody cried, 'Stretch for luck!' And the vast throng on the grand stand rose gradually and then settled down, just as long grass bends to the breath of the zephyr.

"A Pause that Refreshes," Bruce Anderson,  Sports Illustrated, April 16, 1990 (citing The Sporting News' contemporary report of the game).

Curiously, in 1899, there was a reference to a "between innings stretch" at a "Fireman's Tournament":


A large grand stand will be erected near the track, besides several bleachers and once more we will hear the old familiar, between inning's "stretch." . . . The grand stand will be erected near the plug. . . . [O]ur boys do not intend to have the fault . . . of having the races too far from the grand stand.

The Pittsburg Daily Headlight (Pittsburg, Kansas), April 27, 1899, page 4.
In 1903, the “Lucky Seventh” worked when only one person dared to stand up for a lost cause:

In the “lucky” seventh the locals won the game. . . .

. . . Only one “rooter” at the park yesterday had the nerve to stand up for luck in the seventh inning, but he was the mascot, just the same, and started the fun.

Evening Star (Washington DC), September 17, 1903, page 9.             

College baseball fans respected the powers of the “Lucky Seventh” inning:

With the score 9 to 5 at the end of Illinois’s half of the seventh, the Michigan supporters had given up all hopes of a victory, but in the proverbial “lucky seventh” Michigan came within one of tying the score, and the addition of five in the next inning made the game secure.

The Michigan Alumnus, Volume 9, Number 84, May 1903, page 371.

At Yale in 1906, invoking the “Lucky Seventh” involved standing up and singing, not unlike the modern sing-along format.  In a home game against Harvard:

The best batters of Yale, leading the batting list, are up.  It is the seventh inning – the “lucky seventh.” As the surface of the Yale stands rises suddenly and sways in rhythm with the blue flags breaking out higher above it, at first you seem to see rather than hear that the “Elis” are singing. 

“In the Winning of the Game,” Edward Balmer, American Magazine, Volume 62, Number 1, May 1906, page 84. 

When the Chicago White Sox visited the Los Angeles Angels (of the Pacific League) during spring training before the 1908 season[vii], the Angels fans unleashed a new secret weapon – the “Luck Seventh.”  Down by five runs going into the bottom of the seventh, they turned things around.  They lost the game, but only after forcing five extra innings:

Up to the lucky seventh, which the Angels have adopted for their rabbit foot this year, even the dyed-in-the-wool rooter would have bet his grandmother’s false teeth that his price of admission was gone to the wildcat investment society and he couldn’t have been blamed for the opinion.

Los Angeles Herald, March 15, 1908, page 21.

The New York Giants and the Chicago Cubs faced each other on the last day of the 1908 regular season; both two teams sitting atop the National League standings with identical records.  Playing in New York City, and trailing 4-1 going into the bottom of the seventh inning, the Giants looked to the “Lucky Seventh” to turn the tide:

Agony was piled upon agony when New York came up for the seventh time.  With the crowd shrieking for the “lucky seventh” to work its spell, Devlin faced Brown and drove out as pretty a single as was ever made.

New York Tribune, October 9, 1908, page 5. 

The Giants put two more men on base, to load the bases with no outs.  The “Lucky Seventh” appeared to be living up to its name.  The manager sent in a pinch-hitter for Christy Mathewson.  The pinch hitter had not played for several weeks following an injury, so the stage was set for a Kirk Gibson-like miracle.  But alas; although he hit a sacrifice fly to score one run, they were quickly put out, and went scoreless for the rest of the game. 

The “Lucky Seventh” came up short (although one might argue, that just getting the bases loaded with no outs was all the luck they needed – so perhaps it was human error – not a failure of the seventh inning’s mojo).  Two people died at the game, although it is unclear whether it was during scramble for a good view before the game or the melee after the game, when fans mobbed the field and attacked the retreating Cubs with pop bottles.[viii]  The “Lucky Seventh” did not help them.

In 1909, the Winston-Salem, North Carolina paper reprinted an account of a poor outing by a favorite son who was pitching for the Brooklyn Dodgers:

When everything was as unrumpled as a freshly ironed shirt and Dodger rooters were settling down after a seventh inning stretch, something gruesome happened to the pitching importation, Mr. Dent, from Winston-Salem, N. C.  Four hits, including home runs by Mitchell and Egan . . . .

Twin-City Daily Sentinal (Winston-Salem, North Carolina), September 3, 1909, page 6. 

Two weeks later, President Taft was involved in a “Lucky Seventh” in Chicago, where he watched the Cubs play the New York Giants:

Mr. Taft received many hearty cheers from the base ball enthusiasts when he stood up with the rest of the “fans” at the beginning of the “lucky seventh.”

The Burlington Free Press (Burlington, Vermont), September 17, 1909, page 1.

When asked whether he supported Chicago or New York, the politician responded, “I’m for Cincinnati.”

By 1924, the tradition and rituals of the “seventh inning stretch,” by that name, were so entrenched in the game that Ty Cobb and the King of England got in trouble for failing to stand up and stretch. 

When the Yankees and the Detroit Tigers missed the World Series in 1924, Ty Cobb and Babe Ruth attended the games as journalists.  Ty Cobb, who played for the American League Tigers, was expected to stand up and root for the home team Washington Senators.  I guess he was too busy to stand – or unwilling to root for a team that beat him out for the pennant:

Ty Cobb and Babe Ruth occupied seats in the rear of the seats of the press stand where they jotted down notes from which to write or dictate their special .

In Sunday’s game when the seventh inning stretch came, Ty sat still and yells came from various sections for him to get up.  However, he held his ground, pulling his hat over eyes and resting his head in his hands and got a lot of boos.

The Morning Herald (Uniontown, Pennsylvania), October 7, 1924, page 11.

In November of 1924, the Chicago White Sox and New York Giants played a series of exhibition games in England.  When the King did not immediately stand up for the “seventh inning stretch,” the fans were not amused (or maybe they were):


Then came the seventh inning and the question arose, how far would royalty observe baseball tradition?  Some one at the back of the stand shouted, “All up.”  The spectators rose, but the King looked puzzled.  The [American] Ambassador took off his hat and bending to the Queen, began to explain.  The Prince knew what the trouble was and came to the rescue.  He explained to his parents, and they stood up wondering, evidently, what it all meant.

But they did not stretch.  No King has ever yet yawned in public and would not today.  The royal pair just stood still.

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, November 7, 1924, page 1.



Take Me Out to the Ballgame

Although music appears to have been a regular feature of some “Lucky Seventh” rituals even before 1908, the song itself could not have become part of the tradition until it was released in 1908.


“Take Me Out to the Ball Game,” words by Jack Norworth, music by Albert Von Tilzer was filed with the United States Copyright on May 2, 1908.  By the end of June, it was popular everywhere. 
The song was certainly sung at baseball games within days or weeks of its debut. 


One of the earliest accounts of the game mentions that players from the Cleveland Indians and Detroit Tigers enjoyed the song:

Detroit Free Press, June 3, 1908, page 9.

Other early reports surfaced from all corners of the country, on stage or accompanying baseball films or slide shows.  The lyricist’s wife, Nora Bayes, a singer who helped popularize the song, played in a celebrity baseball game that summer.  I can’t imagine that she would not have sung the song there:

 
Among those who will be seen on the diamond in costume, are: . . . Josephine Cohan, Nora Bayes . . . Cora Livingston, the female wrestler; the Custer girls, from “The Yankee Prince,” and scores of others as well known.

The Evening Statesman, (Walla Walla, Washington),  July 16, 1908. page 4.

Lyricist Jack Norworth and Nora Bayes.

The song lyrics lent themselves perfectly to a women’s baseball game.  The lyrics of the chorus, which are sung during a "seventh inning stretch," are familiar to nearly everyone who has attended a baseball game.  The verses are less well known, but they put the chorus into context:

Katie Casey was baseball mad,
Had the fever and had it bad;
Just to root for the home town crew,
ev’ry sou – Katie  blew –

On a Saturday, her young beau called 
to see if she’d like to go,
To see a show but Miss Kate said “no, 
I’ll tell you what you can do . . . .

“Take me out to a ball game . . .

The song was so popular that George M. Cohan[ix]( of “I’m a Yankee Doodle Dandy” fame) quickly released the more forgettable “Take Your Girl to the Ball Game,” with a copycat theme, copycat melody and a copycat chorus.



This advertisement for Ladies’ Day in Spokane, Washington in 1909 played off the song's lyrics and suggests that the song may have been sung at the game:

The Spokane Press, May 12, 1909.
 
In October, 1908, as the last glimmer of hope faded on the Pittsburg Pirates’ season, their fans, watching the progress of the last game of the season through telegraphic updates at a public bulletin board, sang the song during the seventh inning – but to no avail.  Interestingly, they sang the song exactly as it might be sung today, with an emphasis on the “root, root, root,” and substituting the team’s name for the words, “home team” in the lyrics:

[W]hen Pittsburg tied the score hats went up in the air and a yell like that of an election crowd began to sing “Take Me Out to the Ball Game,” giving particular stress to the line, “Root, root, root for the Pirates,” until it was taken up all along the line.

With each announcement of another run to Chicago’s credit after this the groans came as though from a thousand dentists’ chairs, every one containing a patient with an offending molar.  Finally when the eighth inning had been announced, and it appeared nothing but an earthquake could lose the game for Chicago, the crowd became silent and still.  It was all over in a few moments.

The Daily Republican (Monongahela, Pennsylvania), October 5, 1908, page 1.

One year later, fans in Pittsburg enjoyed a minstrel show version of “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” before a double-header with the Cubs:

The long wait for the battle to start was made enjoyable by the presence of Lew Dockstader’s band.  The minstrel men played tune after tune and when “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” and other appropriate selections were rendered, the throng showed appreciation by clapping vigorously.

Pittsburgh Daily Post, September 7, 1909, page 1.

The song was so popular, that one writer quipped that it might soon be the national anthem:

Pittsburg Press, April 11, 1909, page 21.


The song’s initial period of popularity waned, but the song was not forgotten.  In 1933, for example, the commissioners of both leagues reportedly designated it as the official theme song of Major League Baseball:

Pittsburg Press, April 25, 1933, page 24.
A prescient sportswriter wondered what the new designation would mean:

Just what specific part of the official yodel will play in the conduct of the game is not clear.  Perhaps the customers will be expected to sing the chorus while standing during the seventh inning stretch.  This will call for cheer leaders and music directors.

Setting the game to words and music is liable to lead to new confusions.  Even now the customers stand and bare their heads in patriotic reverence for any piece ranging from “Old Man River” to “Eadie Was a Lady.”  To them anything played in a ball park is a national anthem.

Pittsburg Press, April 25, 1933, page 24.

But despite the prediction, they were still singing the song before games in Pittsburg in 1943:

Pittsburg Post Gazette, June 17, 1943, page 9.

But in Seattle, things were different.  They initiated the group sing-along of the song during the seventh inning in 1940.

Emil Sick, a Canadian beer brewing magnate, entered the American beer market when Prohibition ended in 1933.  In 1934, he purchased the Northwest distribution rights to Rainier Beer.   In 1938, perhaps looking for a place where he could sell a lot of beer, he purchased Seattle’s dying baseball franchise, the Seattle Indians.  He renamed the team after one of his beer brands, Rainier Beer, threw in a bit of showmanship, and turned the team’s fortunes around.[x]

“Wayback Machine: A Fire That Changed Our Sports,” David Eskenazi, SportspressNW.com

Early in the 1940 season, a sportswriter for the Oakland (California) Tribune in town to cover the Oakland Oaks admired a novel element of Rainiers’ games – a sing-along during the “seventh inning stretch”:

One thing sort of chummy-like about the crowds at these ball games – and they’ve been big ones – is the community sing they hold during the seventh-inning stretch.  Prompted by a young sprout in the announcer’s booth, the spectators chime in with “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” and sing it at the top of their lungs.

Oakland Tribune, May 25, 1940, page 13.

Later that season, the same newspaper encouraged other teams of the Pacific League to adopt the practice:

The community singing of “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” by Seattle fans, among the most rabid in the country, during the seventh inning stretch is a pleasant custom which should be practiced in other cities on the Pacific Coast League circuit.

Oakland Tribune, September 24, 1940, page 26.

Four years later, the local custom received some national attention in Jim Hutcheson’s syndicated column, The Clubhouse:


Emil Sick, whose regime brought a flair of showmanship to Seattle’s Pacific Coast League park, assures that he would want nothing introduced which would cheapen the game or put it on a vaudeville level, but:

“The turnstile success of the Dodgers in recent years has proved that baseball needs something in addition to the game to provide entertainment for the fans who might not be interested in the technical phases of the game.

“Looking at the diamond picture with less technical eyes, I believe that baseball is primarily a show.  We can use more special nights, more bands, more hoopla to add to the excitement.  And as far as I am concerned, Seattle will have that kind of baseball entertainment from now on.”

. . . Seattle believes it is the only ball town where they have group singing at the games.  The stadium echoes to “take me out to the ball game” during the seventh inning stretch.
That’s just a little addition to the color out at Sick’s place, along with special nights for the manager, for Al Schacht comedy or for a favorite player.  Eastern visitors often have praised these special nights.

The Evening Independent,Massillon Ohio, February 3, 1944, page 14.

The custom travelled down the coast to Salem, Oregon, where they appear to have sung the song during in 1948.  In an opinion piece encouraging fans to make some noise to encourage improvements to the stadium parking lot:

Come on, you fans – I know there are many of you who can sing this song with much more enthusiasm than you sing “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” during the seventh inning stretch.”

Daily Capital Journal (Salem, Oregon), June 16, 1948, page 4.

And, by the 1950s, teams across the country started adopting the new tradition:

Coffee and blankets were standard equipment in the stands, and the Red Wing players used the same.  Betzel wouldn’t allow the Java in the Syracuse dugout . . . “Take Me Out to the Ballgame” was p.a.’d during the seventh inning stretch.  It will become standard operating procedure.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), May 12, 1950, page 42.

 


history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft
history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft
history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft
history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft
history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft
history origin "first pitch""ceremonial first pitch""seventh inning stretch""lucky seventh" Taft


[iii]The Cubs’ official history lists Charles Taft as the “owner” from 1914 through 1916; and as the financier behind Charles Murphy’s purchase of the Cubs in 1905.  Contemporary accounts variously describe Taft as the “owner” or “promoter” during and after 1906.  One item from late-1906 asserts that Taft transferred his shares to Murphy in some sort of power move designed to gain complete control of the team. Salt Lake Herald, November 3, 1906, page 3 (“The plot, it is related, was busted when C. P. Taft turned over his holdings to President C. W. Murphy, thus giving the latter a controlling hand in the affairs of the Cubs.”).  He was not a disinterested bystander, in any case.
[v]For a synopsis of both teams’ seasons, see, “Champions 1860-1869,”  19CBaseball.com.
[vii]The Chicago White Sox made regular trips to California for spring training for many years.  They were there in 1912, for example, at about the same time the word “Jazz” first appeared in print – it was used as the name of the new curve ball by an alcoholic pitcher for Portland. See, “Is Jasbo Jazz? – or just Hokum and Gravy?” Early Sports ‘n’ Pop-Culture History Blog.
[viii]The Austin Daily Herald (Austin, Minnesota), October 9, 1908, page 1.
[ix]George M. Cohan also wrote the sketch comedy, “The Wise Guys,” the sequel to which introduced the word, “Bozo” to the language.  See, What Came First, “Bozo” or “bozo”? – an Etymology of Bozo.

A Stand-Up History and Origin of the National Anthem at Sporting Events

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During the pre-season leading into the 2016 NFL season, Colin Kaepernick came under fire for not standing during the ritual pre-game playing of the National Anthem.  

He was not the first person to experience such a backlash.  It first happened more than a century earlier; at a time before popular history  places the beginning of the practice of playing “The Star Spangled Banner” at professional sporting events.  In the early days, the anthem appears to have been saved for special occasions, like opening day, raising newly won championship pennant, or games in a championship series.  The practice appears to have picked up pace during and after the Spanish-American War and again during World War I.

It is unclear how or why the anthem became a staple at the beginning of nearly every high school, college and professional sporting event, but perhaps the some promoter somewhere was familiar with the old Vaudeville trick:


A "finish," wherein the drop curtain is raised, revealing a special drop in the rear showing a battle scene, the performers meanwhile singing or playing "The Star Spangled Banner," cannot possibly fail.

Puck, Volume 75, Number 1948, Week Ending July 4, 1914, page 9.

The Popular Story

Popular history places the origin of the tradition of playing the National Anthem at American sporting events at game 1 of the 1918 World’s Series.  A band, it is said, played the anthem during the “seventh inning stretch” of game one in Boston.  Patriotic feelings were running high because of the United States’ recent entry into World War I; and a tradition was born.  Babe Ruth played in the game, making the story that much more appealing to pop-historians.

The story is not true.  All of those events may have happened as they say, but it was not the start of any tradition.  They played the anthem to open the seventh inning of games in Boston during the 1916 World Series too, for example; and even then, they were breaking with the tradition:



Until this year it has been the custom to start each game of the world’s series by playing “The Star-Spangled Banner.”  During this series, the Boston rooters asked that they be allowed to open the seventh inning with the national anthem.  That might have been good form in Boston, but Brooklyn citizens missed the usual opening.

The Washington Times (DC), October 12, 1916, page 10 (see video of the 1916 World Series between the Red Sox and the Brooklyn Dodgers here).

The practice of playing the national anthem at major league baseball games, at least on certain special occasions, dates to at least twenty-five years before 1916.  The popular history is correct on one score, however; patriotic fever may have helped transform an occasional practice into a well-known tradition – but during an earlier war.

Early Anthem “Heretics”

The tradition was well established in 1905 when the “bleacherites” (people in the cheap seats) didn’t stand with the rest of the crowd:

[A]s the members of the two organizations laid hands on the ropes which raised the flag to the pole, the band struck up “The Star-Spangled Banner.”  In an instant the entire 10,000 persons present were on their feet singing the national anthem, while the Stars and Stripes were slowly hoisted to their place on top of the grand stand, directly back of the catcher’s position.

The Brooklyn Eagle, April 15, 1905, page 8, column 1.

Once inside, the bleacherites quickly settled themselves and began singing songs and cracking jokes while waiting for the ceremonies to begin.  As a general thing they were not much interested in the parade of the Elks and the members of the Superba Bowling Club, which led the flag raising ceremonies.

The Brooklyn Eagle, April 15, 1905, page 8, column 3.

It was a source of comment that the bleacherites refused to rise when the “Star Spangled Banner” was sung earlier in the day, but when Batch and Owens tore off safe drives fenceward at certain stages of the subsequent proceedings, the railbirds arose en masse and applauded.  As popular idols, Batch and Owens beat an every day flag raising from every point of view, according to the dyed in the wool fans.

The Brooklyn Eagle, April 15, 1905, page 8, column 2.

When Philadelphia built an insurmountable lead late in the game, one urchin was heard to say (in what may be the earliest recorded example of a precursor to the disappointed Dodgers fan’s lament –  “dem Bums!”):

“Ain’t dey a nice lot of dubs?” chirped a rooter in the first row.  “Dat bunch can’t play ball a little bit; dere bum. Dis is de last time dey gets me quarter.”

The Brooklyn Eagle, April 15, 1905, page 8, column 3.

In a widely reported incident in 1912, a group of students from a “socialistic” ward of Milwaukee received national attention for refusing to stand for the anthem:
 
Oakland Tribune (Oakland, California), April 4, 1912, page 8.

Anthem at the First World Series[i]

“The Star Spangled Banner” was played before game seven of the first World Series between the National League and the American League in 1903.  The game, played at Pittsburgh’s Exposition Park, was not the decisive game because the series that year was a best-of-nine affair.The National League Pirates and Boston’s American League team (the “Americans” - to distinguish them from Boston’s National League team) were tied up at three games apiece.  

The teams’ bands engaged in a friendly “battle of the bands” before the game:


The rival bands in the grand stand challenged each other to the different national airs before the game began and the crowd, of course, appreciated it very much.  The Pittsburgh band, which was in the right wing of the stand, opened with” America.”  The Boston band came back with “The Star-Spangled Banner.”  Other airs were exchanged, the Pittsburgh band finally getting the last “say” by playing “Marching Through Georgia” and “The Wearing of the Green”[ii]

Pittsburgh Weekly Gazette, October 3, 1903, page 18.

There record is silent on whether anyone stood or not. 

It seems likely, however, that many of the fans who mobbed the field when the Bostons clinched the series in game eight were not standing at attention when they played "The Star Spangled Banner" - AFTER the game:


When Hans Wagner struck out, ending the world’s championship series and placing the Bostons in the front rank, the 8,000 Boston people present did not run for the exits as they usually do after a game.  They began dropping into the field from the grandstand and bleachers, shouting and yelling like mad. . . .

Suddenly the band struck up “The Star Spangled Banner,” and everybody who could bellow caught the tune until even the bass drum could not be heard.  It was a stirring scene – a whole baseball populace worked up to a high pitch of enthusiasm.

Pittsburgh Daily Post, October 14, 1903, page 8.

It would not have been surprising, however, for any number of people to not stand when the song was played before or after the game.  National Anthem etiquette was, at the time, in a period of flux (see my earlier piece, A Big League History of National Anthem Etiquette).  It was not even clear which song, “America” “(My Country ‘tis of Thee”) or “The Star Spangled Banner,” was or should be the “national anthem.”

In October 1903, the United States Navy had only recently designated an official national song for its purposes:

The Navy Department has finally settled the question of the “National Naval Anthem.”  It is the Star Spangled Banner.  The Powers that be have settled the question and have directed that it shall be played at all times when a National musical composition is to be presented by the Marine Band.  The Navy Department has gone further and declared that when the star Spangled Banner is played, that all officers and men shall stand at attention. 

The National Tribune (Washington DC), October 1, 1903, page 5.

An editorial in the New York Times published earlier that summer, and written by a German-Canadian-American music professor, advocated in favor of “The Star Spangled Banner.” 
If his assessment of the situation was correct, most Americans at the time favored “America” over “The Star Spangled Banner,” although the latter had been gaining adherents since the Spanish-American War:

I have seen lately much matter in the editorial columns and correspondence of The New York Times treating upon our National air.  To me it has always been a puzzle why we should designate the tune to which we sing “America” as our “National Air.”  Being a native of Germany, I find it, to say the least, unoriginal to sing “America” to the tune of “Heil dir im Siegeskranz.”  Having also lived for fourteen years in Canada, where I became a naturalized British subject, I found upon settling in “God’s country” it also not a little strange to hear “America harmonizing with the tune to which Britishers sing “God Save the King.”

Our regularly constituted National air, to which we sing “The Star-Spangled Banner,” seems to be eschewed by the ordinary American citizen.  Since the Spanish-American war, however, “The Star-Spangled Banner” has come more in evidence.

The New York Times, July 12, 1903, page 8.

The practice of playing the “Star Spangled Banner” or other “national air” did, in fact, pick up in the wake of the Spanish-American War; but it also happened on occasion, before the war.

Early Baseball Anthems

There had been a pro-Union flag-raising ceremony at a baseball diamond in Washington DC in 1861, which was then in the grips of the Civil War, although the report of the game does not mention any music. 

The National Republican (Washington DC), April 06, 1861, page 3.

Writing on MLB.com, Doug Miller cites the earliest known example of the "Star-Spangled Banner" played at a baseball game to May 15, 1862. See, "Key Connections: Star-Spangled Banner, Baseball Forever Linked, MLB.com, September 14, 2014.

Contemporary accounts of the game suggest that playing the anthem may not have been a standard feature of regular games, as this was no ordinary game.  It was a game played by two picked-nines, each made up of select players from three of Brooklyn's best clubs, Eckford, Putnam and Constellation.  It was the inaugural game of a fancy new, enclosed baseball field, "the first of its kind in Brooklyn."

They needed a new stadium for better crowd control - to protect the women-folk.


The chief object of the Association is to provide a suitable place for ball playing, where ladies can witness the game without being annoyed by the indecorous behavior of the rowdies who attend some of the first-class matches. . . . 

[A] long wooden shed has been erected, capable of accommodating several hundred persons, and benches provided for the convenience of the fair sex, and wherever their presence enlivens the scene, there gentlemanly conduct will follow.  Indecorous proceedings will cause the offenders to be instantly expelled from the grounds.

. . .

At 3 o'clock the music arrived and the proceeding commenced, opening by playing the "Star Spangled Banner," continuing to play at intervals throughout the contest.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 16, 1862, page 2.

Throughout the late-1800s, there are numerous reports of "The Star Spangled Banner" being played at events where baseball was played; but, for the most part, the game was not the main attraction.  Most of those examples relate to picnics, fairs, or holiday events, that might feature orators, races, a band concert and, incidentally, a baseball game.

It is possible that the "Star Spangled Banner" could have been sung before or during any number of games throughout the 1800s, but for which records do not survive, have not been found, or went unrecorded because it was not all that noteworthy.  After the one example in 1862, I could only find a few scattered references to the song being played before baseball games (or any other sporting event) before 1898; the earliest in 1890. 

All of the early examples suggest that the song was not played routinely, but was saved for special occasions - like raising a championship pennant, a championship series game, opening day - or any combination thereof.  

In October 1890, the champion Brooklyn Bridegrooms of the National League played the champion Louisville Colonels of the American Association in the World's Series (a precursor to today's World Series between the National and American Leagues).  After four games in Louisville, and with the series standing at 2-1-1 in favor of Brooklyn, the teams prepared to return to Brooklyn.  Plans for the first game in Brooklyn included a parade from the Brooklyn Bridge to the ballpark, a brass band, a pennant-raising ceremony and the playing of unspecified, "National Airs" - presumably the "Star Spangled Banner" was among them:

Previous to beginning the game the new national league pennant will be flung to the breeze, accompanied by national airs by the band.  

After the flag raising Conterno's band will give a concert on the grounds until 3 P. M., when the game will commence.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, October 22, 1890, page 1.


In November of 1891, Portland, champions of the Northwest, faced the San Jose Dukes, champions of California, in the first game of the "Coast Series" - to determine the champions of the Pacific Slope:

The Colonel escorted the California champions to their seat . . . Finn also marched with his men, accompanied by Dave Bryant, Major Nogle, Doc Rosa and "Soap," the mascott, while the band played the “Star-spangled Banner.”

The Morning Call (San Francisco), November 27, 1891, page 2.

In 1894, the defending champion Boston Bean-Eaters faced off against the Brooklyn Bridegrooms (one year before they were first called the Trolley Dodgers) in their home opener:

The Brooklyns marched down left field and the Bostons down the right, four abreast.  Near the fence they wheeled into single file, meeting in the center.  Then they wheeled again, coming up the field toward the plate in one line, with the band in front.  They showed up remarkably well and were roundly applauded.  At the home base they separated, the Brooklyns marching in Indian file to the visitors’ bench and the Bostons to theirs in the same way.  Then the championship pennant was raised to the top of the center field flag pole, while the band played “The Star spangled Banner.”

The Brooklyn Eagle, May 11, 1894, page 9.

When the defending National League Champion Philadelphia Phillies started their 1897 campaign against the New York Giants, the Giants inadvertently missed the flag-raising ceremony:

With Beck’s Band in front the men lined up in company front with one of Sousa’s soul-stirring quick steps to march by and 20,000 people cheering a picture was presented that cannot be fully appreciated unless seen.  In perfect line they swept across the field to the centre of the diamond and wheeling advanced towards the flag pole in deep centre field. . . .

The New York players misunderstood the arrangements and turned the wrong way.  Before the error was discovered the Phillies were well on their way down the field and the visitors became demoralized, thus failing to take part in the flag raising. 

But it went up just the same and as it was unfurled to the breezes, which shook out its folds, displaying the stars and stripes in all their beauty and with the “Star Spangled Banner” as an accompaniment from the band, it is little wonder that the crowd cheered itself hoarse.  They cheered and cheered again and again, every one giving full vent to his patriotic feelings.

The Times (Philadelphia), April 23, 1897, page 8.
A description of opening day for the Larchmont Yacht Club’s racing season in 1897 suggests that such patriotic displays may not have been unique to baseball:



Brooklyn Life, June 5, 1897, page 19.

1898 appears to have been a watershed year in the development of the tradition.  Although I could only find a few scattered examples of the National Anthem being played before baseball games in all of the years before 1898, I found no fewer than four examples, spread out across the entire country, to start the 1898 season – the very moment that war with Spain became inevitable.  The accounts of those games reflect the patriotic mood of a country on a war footing.


The Spanish-American War

On April 11, 1898, President McKinley asked congress for authority to send troops to Cuba to help end a civil war there.   That very same day, the President of the California League interrupted a game between San Francisco and the Fresno for a noteworthy patriotic demonstration:


The players may have had an excuse [(for not playing well)], however, as Colonel T. P. Robinson introduced a patriotic act in the second inning that enthused the players with a desire to go to war with Spain and injured their keen eye for the ball.

At 2:30 o’clock President H. H. McPike of the California League and Manager Robinson of the park, marched on the grounds at the head of a brass band playing national airs and moved on a tall flagpole in deep center field.  As President McPike raised and unfurled a large American flag the band played “The Star Spangled Banner,” and the large crowd present broke into cheers.  When the flag floated freely at the top of the pole the band played “The Red, White and Blue,” and the game proceeded.

The San Francisco Chronicle, April 11, 1898, page 10.

The fact that the game started without a flag suggests that game may have started without the anthem.

Later in the week, while Congress was still considering McKinley’s request, the Louisville Colonels and Pittsburgh Pirates prepared to take the field.  The band played an unspecified “national air” and “Dixie” before the game:



High up in the stand among that sea of gaily-bedecked hats the band bursts forth with a national air. . . . [E]ighteen stalwart young athletes come marching across the broad green field company abreast.  The tune changes to “Dixie.” A cheer starts over there among those blackbirds at the top of the tall fence.

The Courier-Journal (Louisville), April 16, 1898, page 4.

Congress passed a bill clearing the way for war with Spain on April 21, 1898.  Two days later, the Kansas City Blues were planning their home opener which had already been delayed twice on account of rain.  Interestingly, the team was not going to stand during the anthem – they were going to “trot”:



The season will be opened with a great display of patriotic enthusiasm.  Manager Manning has laid in a supply of American flags, and every fan will be decorated as he enters the gate.  The Third Regiment band will play “Yankee Doodle” and “Dixie” as it parades the streets in the afternoon and then when the Blues trot out on the field they will keep time to the strains of the “Star Spangled Banner.”

Kansas City Journal (Missouri), April 23, 1898, page 5.

On May 1, 1898, the Brooklyn Trolley Dodgers returned home after eight road-games to face the Phillies in the first game ever played at the new Washington Park:


[A]fter the two teams had lined up on each side of the plate the Twenty-third Regiment Band began the National air.

At the first strains of “The Star Spangled Banner” Miss Ebbets began to pull at the halyard.  The thousands of persons forgot baseball at this stage and stood up with uncovered heads.  The wildest enthusiasm prevailed.  Thousands of small flags were waved by the crowd in the grand stand.  The din was great and did not subside until the flag was spread to the breeze on top of the staff.  The crowd then settled back in the seats and awaited the beginning of the game, which started when Edward M. Grout, President of the Borough of Brooklyn, tossed out a new ball.

The New York Times, May 1, 1898, page 6.

After 1898, the practice of holding playing the “Star Spangled Banner” before opening game days continued, particularly as part of a pennant-raising ceremony in cities that had won the championship pennant the previous season.

In 1901, for example, the defending champion White Sox of the newly formed American League (they were defending champions of the predecessor Western League) had just such a ceremony before the first American League gave ever played.  Coincidentally (or not?), this ceremony also resonated with echoes of the Spanish-American War – the band was reportedly a “Rough Rider”[iii]band:

Promptly at 3:30 the two clubs lined up at the plate and, preceded by a “Rough Rider” band, marched to the flag pole at the south end of the field, where the championship banner was unfurled to the strains of “The Star Spangled Banner.”

The Evening Star (Washington DC), April 25, 1901, page 9.


The Legacy

Although it may be impossible to precisely measure whether the frequency with which the song’s use at games was reported reflects its actual use, it seems likely that the practice became more popular during and after America’s involvement in the Spanish-American War.  The coincidence of opening week of the season coinciding with the moment that war became inevitable may have contributed to the spread of the practice.  Later wars, such as World Wars I and II, may have contributed to the tradition becoming intractably ensconced in the American sporting tradition. But even then, the practice (at least so far as I can glean by browsing through newspaper accounts) appears to have remained mostly limited to special occasions, like opening day or pennant-raising ceremonies, for several decades.

Although the practice did not become a standard feature of each and every major league game until 1942, one observer, writing in 1933, noted the propensity for baseball fans to stand up for just any old song:

Even now the customers stand and bare their heads in patriotic reverence for any piece ranging from “Old Man River” to “Eadie Was a Lady.”  To them anything played in a ball park is a national anthem.

Pittsburg Press, April 25, 1933, page 24.

A cynic might suggest that the tradition grew out of an old vaudeville trick used to engender favor with an audience:


Thus, too, applause was and still is always to be won in vaudeville by throwing the pictures of Washington, Lincoln, and the current chief executive on the screen before the moving pictures.  Also with the picture of any prize-fighter but Jack Johnson.  Applause similarly is sure to follow a laudatory reference to the local baseball team, the bow of an acrobat after he has done his trick, a scenic effect showing the Mississippi river by moonlight, with darkies singing softly in the distance, the playing of "The Wearing of the Green," Dixie," and "The Star Spangled Banner," and a derogatory allusion to the fighting prowess of Great Britain.

Puck, Volume 75, Number 1948, Week Ending July 4, 1914, page 8.

As usual, the truth probably lies somewhere in between.






[i]Although there were earlier championships that were referred to as, the “World’s Series,” 1903 was the first such series between the National League and the American League.
[ii]This account differs from one in The Boston Globe (as transcribed on StarSpangledMusic.org), which credited Boston’s band opening with “America” and Pittsburgh’s band responding with “The Star Spangled Banner.”
[iii] The “Rough Riders” was the nickname given to the 1st United States Volunteer Cavalry made famous during the Spanish-American War, and famously lead by Assistant Secretary of the Navy (and later President of the United States), Theodore Roosevelt.

The "Curse of the Billy Goat" - It's not what it once was.

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Take Heart Cubs’ Fans – there is no curse – it was lifted in 1950.

The Daily Clintonian (Clinton, Indiana), January 5, 1951, page 7.
As the Chicago Cubs, owners of the best record in Major League Baseball for 2016 with 103 wins, get ready to face the Wild-Card San Francisco Giants in the first game of the Division Series, many Cubs’ fans (and perhaps players) may be worried about shaking the “Curse of the Billy Goat.”  But take heart, Cubs’ fans, there is no curse.  

Billy Sianis – or rather his goat – lifted the curse in September 1950.  If the Cubs fold in this post-season, it may be for the same reasons they have folded every season since 1951 – namely bad luck, random coincidence, or (perish the thought) poor play.

The curse arose before game four of the 1945 World Series between the Chicago Cubs and the Detroit Tigers.  An usher refused Sianis’ goat admission to Wrigley Field despite having a valid, paid ticket. As recalled in 1976 by a reporter who recalled the events of thirty years earlier: 

“They smell,” was his reason.

Whereupon Billy Goat smote the Chicago Cubs with his legendary curse that has caused grown men to weep, shudder and carry on stomach conniptions.  He pointed a gnarled finger and decreed that the Cubs would win no more pennants and that the Detroit Tigers would win four straight.

The Detroit Tigers won four straight.

The Cubs haven’t won a pennant since.

Billy Goat sent a cryptic three-word telegram to P. K. Wrigley: “NOW,” was is triumphant message, “who stinks.”

Ed Hercer, Delaware County Daily Times (Chester, Pennsylvania), July 1, 1976, page 6.
Sianis may have been particularly bitter, since he had used his goat to taunt the Detroit Tigers in a publicity photo of the goat, “draped in a banner reading, ‘WE GOT DETROIT’S GOAT’”.[i] 

(At the time, the expression, “Get My Goat,” did not exclusively mean “to get someone angry”; it was also used to express the sense of sapping someone of their will to fight, or getting them out of their game. See my earlier post, Getting Goats, Losing Goats, Stable Goats and Navy Goats – a History and Etymology of “Get My Goat”.)

Jim Gallagher, the Vice President of the Cubs, explained the circumstances of the origin and lifting of the curse in a widely reported wire-service story in January 1951:


Chicago (INS) – The Chicago Cubs are looking forward to their best baseball season in five years because the hex of William “Billy Goat” Sianis has left them.

The curse befell the Cubs during the 1945 World Series with the Detroit Tigers.  The Chicagoans lost that series.  The next year they fell to third, then sixth in 1947. In 1948 and 1949 they were eighth.  Last season they finished seventh.
Vice President Jim Gallagher [(of the Cubs)] explains that the trouble came to the club when Sianis purchased two tickets to one of the World Series games.  One ticket was for Sianis and the other was for his billy goat.

But the Cubs refused to admit the goat despite the ticket.  This angered Sianis and he shouted that the Cubs would never win another National League pennant nor a World Series until they apologized.

Four years passed and the Cubs went from bad to worse.  Then near the end of last year the little Chicago bar owner with a beard like a billy goat wrote a letter to one of the city’s newspapers.  He asked:

“Why don’t owner Phil Wrigley and Vice President Jim Gallagher of the Chicago Cubs apologize to my goat and let their team win games again instead of staying in or near the basement?

“My goat is ready to accept the apology and take the hex off the Cubs.”
A letter of apology came from Wrigley to the goat in the last two weeks of September and Sianis and the goat once again wished the Cubs good luck.
. . .
Gallagher says there is “just no telling what might happen in 1951 without the billy goat hex.”

 The Akron Beacon Journal (Ohio), January 7, 1951, page 33 (International News Service).

If the Cubs do fold in the post-season, well, they can always “Wait’ll Next Year.”

If this season is not enough to sate your appetite for Cubs’ successes, relive those thrilling days of yesteryear with “Tinkers to Evers to Chance.”

Just don’t blame it on the goat – the curse was lifted sixty-five years ago.

The Cleveland Spiders and "Tebeau's Indians" - why Cleveland's Baseball Team are the "Indians"

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With the Cleveland Indians poised to get back to the World Series for the first time in twenty years, and perhaps the opportunity to compete for their first World Series title in nearly seventy years, the controversy surrounding the team’s name and logo is bound to receive more national attention than usual.  

No, it’s not the “Cleveland” part that is problematic (they have recovered well since the Cuyahoga River fire of 1969), it’s the nickname, “Indians.”  Critics suggest that it is racist, insensitive, or improper cultural appropriation.  Proponents contend that the name honors its namesakes and carries more than a century’s tradition of innocent goodwill.

Some people refer back to how the name was chosen to justify their position on the issue.  The Cliff’s Notes version of the origin story is that in 1915 the team needed a new name after the departure of its longtime star player and manager, Napoleon “Nap” Lajoie.  They had been primarily known as the “Cleveland Naps” during his tenure.  As the result of a contest to find the best name, they settled on the name, “Indians,” in honor of a former star player who was believed to have been the first Native American to play in the major leagues.  

The actual origin, however, may not be determinative in judging the continued appropriateness of the name.  An innocent beginning might have negative consequences and a negative start may be forgotten or forgiven over time, or lose its original negativity as circumstances change.  But in either case, it is necessary to know the facts in order to have (educated) opinions about the facts.

Joe Posnanski’s article, Cleveland Indians: The Name is a good place to start.  Posnanski, a lifelong Cleveland Indians fan and a national columnist for NBC Sports, went into his assignment assuming that the origin-story was mostly hooey, but came out of it believing that contained more than a kernel of truth.  There was no contest, and the announcement of the new name did not set out their reasons for selecting the name, but it turns out that Cleveland’s National League team had actually been called the “Indians” in 1897, the same year in which they signed a highly touted Native-American player.  It therefore seemed plausible that the name “Indians” could have been (at least in part) an effort to honor a former star player, or at least to a team that may have been named in his honor. 
 
Boston Post, May 19, 1895, page 13.

Posnanski, however, may have missed something. 

There is strong circumstantial evidence that the decision to name the team the “Indians” in 1915 was in fact an intentional nostalgic nod to the name of the city’s earlier team.  There is also clear evidence that Cleveland’s earlier team were called “Indians” as early as 1895 – two years before they signed their first Indian player, which opens a whole new can of worms. 


Tebeau’s Indians

On March 10, 1897, Cleveland’s National League baseball team, the Spiders, caught a hot young prospect in its web; Louis Francis Sockalexis, a highly touted college phenom who batted .444, while scoring 38 runs in 26 games, for Holy Cross in 1896, and who famously threw a baseball 379 feet during Field Day at Holy Cross in October 1896. 

Sockalexis was a Penobscot Indian from Maine and was believed at the time to be the first American-Indian player to be sign to a major league contract:
  


Indian Outfielder.

Cleveland, O., March 10. – Manager Tebeau, of the Cleveland team, went to South Bend, Ind., yesterday on a little scouting expedition, and the result was that he signed Sockalexis, to the player whom several teams have been trying to land for some time. . . . Sockalexis is said to be a fine outfielder and a wonderful batter.  He is a full blooded Indian.

St. Paul Globe (Minnesota), March 11, 1897, page 7.

Two days later, the Spiders’ President, Frank De Haas Robinson, renamed his team “Tebeau’s Indians” (Oliver “Patsy” Tebeau was Cleveland’s first-baseman and manager): 



New York, March 12. – . . . “In the future,” said Mr. Robinson, “the Clevelands will be known as Tebeau’s Indians.  For the life of me I do not see how they were ever called the ‘Spiders,’ for certain it is they never crept.”

The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer (West Virginia), March 13, 1897, page 3.

Sockalexis enjoyed immediate success in the major leagues.  He hit well and was a great fielder, particularly known for his long, accurate throws from the outfield:


 Red Man Sockalexis, of the Cleveland Club.

This is bounding Sockalexis, Fielder of the Mighty Clevelands.

Like the catapult in action,
For the plate he throws the baseball,
Till the rooters, blithely rooting,
Shout until they shake the bleachers.
“Sockalexis, Sockalexis,
Sock it to them, Sockalexis!” 

R. K. Munkittick, New York Journal, May 5, 1897, page 10.

The crowd here is wild over Sockalexis.  His every move is the signal for a mighty whoop and his appearance at the plate is heralded with a wider applause than ever Buffalo Bill received, even when he was recounting some of his most thrilling exploits against the redskins on the plains.

Sockalexis! Sockalexis!
Lo, the mighty Sockalexis,
Every time he hits the ball
There’s a cyclone down in Texas.

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 12, 1897, page 4.

But his success was short-lived, fizzling out after three seasons, hampered by alcoholism, injury and illness.

The Spiders’ fortunes followed their young star’s fate.  Although they had been perennial contenders for several years with a line-up that included Denton “Cyclone” Young – “Cy” Young (the namesake of the annual award for best pitcher in the league), the team folded at the end of the 1899 season after setting records for futility that may never be broken.  In a maneuver lifted straight from the Cleveland Indians movie Major League, the owners, who had recently purchased the National League’s St. Louis franchise, sent all of their best players to St. Louis, leaving the faltering Sockalexis and other cast-offs to wither on the vine.  They didn’t disappoint.  They finished with 20 wins and 134 losses – including an unbelievable 101 losses on the road. 

With the passing of Cleveland’s National League team, the names “Spiders” and “Indians” fell largely (but not entirely) into disuse until they were both resurrected in 1915.  Following a meeting of baseball writers and team officials of Cleveland’s two professional baseball teams (American League and American Association), they announced new-old names for both teams – the “Spiders” and the “Indians”:

  
Cleveland “Indians.”

Cleveland, January 17. – The Cleveland American league baseball team will hereafter be known as the “Indians” . . . .  It was also decided at the meeting to agree on “Spiders”as a name for the Cleveland American association team.

Altoona Tribune (Pennsylvania), January 18, 1915, page 6.

If the original Spiders were renamed “Indians” in honor of Sockalexis, and the Naps were renamed “Indians,” in honor of Sockalexis (or at least in honor of a team named in his honor), then it would seem clear that the Cleveland Indians were named (ultimately) in honor of the Native-American player Louis Sockalexis. 

But truth is stranger than fiction.

The timing of Frank Robinson’s decision in 1897 to formally dub his team “Tebeau’s Indians,” coming two days after signing the first Native-American player in the league, strongly suggests that the name change was in his honor.  But it does seem odd that a major league team would change its identity for a new player before he had even practiced with the team, no matter how successful he had been in college and in various local leagues in New England.  However, it makes more sense when you realize that two years earlier, the team had already been known (at least on occasion) as “Tebeau’s Indians”:
 
The Orioles have played good, steady ball, and as their pitchers were in good shape until the shank of the season, they have gained the honor, though not without having a close finish with “Patsy” Tebeau’s Indians.

The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee), September 30, 1895, page 6.


“Patsy” Tebeau’s Indians appear to be able to give the Orioles a game for the Temple Cup.

The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee), October 3, 1895, page 4.

Perhaps Robinson always liked the name “Indians” and disliked Spiders.  Perhaps he took advantage of the recent signing an Indian player to advocate for a name change, at a time when the name would have taken on a whole new meaning.  Perhaps the name change – or new emphasis – was in honor of Sockalexis at some level, even if it was not the only reason.

It’s a whole ‘nuther question as to why they were called “Tebeau’s Indians” in 1895.  Although I have not been able to find an explanation for the name, there may be a clue in the personal nickname of one of their star players – “Chief” Zimmer.


A Chief and His Indians

Charles Louis Zimmer was baseball’s original “Iron Man.”  Zimmer caught 125 straight games in his first season with Cleveland, and in 1897 caught Cy Young’s first career no-hitter.  Zimmer was Young’s catcher in Cleveland for eight years, and they even played amateur baseball and indoor baseball together on occasion during the off-season. 

As he told the story, “Chief” Zimmer received the nickname “Chief” while playing for the Poughkeepsie Indians in 1886, based on his position as manager of a particularly fast team:

In 1886, he joined Poughkeepsie as captain and manager.  Here he got his lifetime nickname “Chief.”  He always explained, “Since we were fleet of foot, we were called the Indians.  As I was the head man of the Indians somebody began to call me ‘Chief.’ It stuck.”

The Sporting News, 1949 (photocopy displayed on thedeadballera.com).

Was Tebeau, the head man of the Spiders, considered a “Chief” – and his players “Indians?  It is speculative, perhaps, but not impossible.  The manager-Chief/players-Indians metaphor was used on several occasions with several teams.

In 1891, perhaps inspired by the nickname of one of baseball’s bigger-than-life characters, George “Chief” Borchers[i], a writer in San Francisco strung together a series of Indian-related metaphors:

Colonel Thomas Posthumous Robinson, B. B. D., has been struggling all season to collect together a tribe of Indians competent to suitably enjoy the Oakland reservation.  To do so he has already imported nearly half a hundred from the various preserves of the country, and completed the list last week with Shea from the Seattle tribe and Chief Borchers of the Spokanes.  The chief was looked upon as the prize catch of the year, but his work at present has not been up to the winning standard.

The Morning Call (San Francisco, California), October 24, 1891, page 2.

George “Chief” Borchers, San Francisco Call, September 4, 1898, page 10.

In 1896, Cleveland’s “Patsy” Tebeau was described as the “Chief Spider” or “Chief”: 

After winning two creditable victories from Brooklyn, Washington yesterday floated westward to Spiderville and bumped plumb against a thirteen-strand web, which had been erected for that express purpose by Chief Spider Tebeau and his horde of hustling insects. . . . Spider Wilson was delegated by Chief Tebeau to weave a special assortment of curved strands about the struggling Senators, while Jake Boyd endeavored to counteract the effort.

Evening Star (Washington DC), May 5, 1896, page 8.

Also in 1896, “Patsy” Tebeau’s brother George (the manager of Cleveland’s farm team in Fort Wayne, Indiana) was also portrayed as a “Chief” in a in a prosaic account of a game between Fort Wayne and Newcastle that pushed the Chief/Indian metaphor to its logical limits:

[I]t was Big Chief Ganzel, of the Newcastle tribe, and behind him, in single file, trudged his little and silent band of braves.  The big chief did not stop until he had reached the open ground then, as he shaded his eyes with his ponderous hands, he silently surveyed the horizon.  Seemingly satisfied, he uttered a guttural “ugh,” and the rest of the band came from the forest into the bright sunlight of the prairie and silently, as before, followed their chief across the dead and seared turf towards the setting sun.

Away off to the west, unobserved by the painted warriors, a brave, with feathers in his hair, his battle ax in his hand and bow and arrow slung across his broad shoulders, stood scanning the eastern slopes. . . . With a low whistle, as the cooing of a dove, there arose, as from the earth, eight warriors, dressed as their chief, and sprang to his side.  With a few words of command the chief sprang to the front, and, silently as the wind and as swiftly as a frightened deer, the band approached the coming marauders.  It was Chief Tebeau and those that followed were his braves, tried and true. . . .

Big Chief Ganzel’s eagle eye discovered the approaching Colts and with the eagerness of a panther he and his associates sprang forward.  The two bands met on the shady banks of the historic Maumee.  The battle lasted one hour and fifty minutes, and then Big Chief Ganzel withdrew his men from the field. . . . [F]rom present appearances the big chief will be driven back to his eastern hunting grounds with his brow broken and his scalp left dangling on the centre pole of Chief Tebeau’s tepee.

The Fort Wayne Journal-Gazette(Indiana), September 4, 1896, page 1.

Fort Wayne won the game 16-2.

Interestingly, the name “Tebeau’s Indians” followed “Patsy” Tebeau and his “Indians” to St. Louis in 1899, even though Sockalexis stayed in Cleveland and “Chief” Zimmer moved on to the Louisville Colonels:


The Times (Richmond, Virginia), May 6, 1899, page 2.

The Evening Times (Washington DC), September 26, 1899, page 6.

The Evening Times (Washington DC), June 23, 1900, page 6.

It is unclear whether sportswriters simply continued calling Tebeau’s team “Indians” out of habit, or whether the Tebeau or his owner actively encouraged writers to use the same name.


Cleveland Americans

With “Tebeau’s Indians” finding new life in St. Louis, Cleveland filled the void with a franchise in the newly-formed American League.  The new team was commonly referred to in the press as, “the Cleveland American League team” or simply, “the Clevelands,” as was typical for many teams during the period.  They also went by a series of nicknames; the “Lake Shores,” the “Blue Birds” and the “Blues”:

Times-Democrat (New Orleans, Louisiana), March 23, 1902, page 14.

St. Louis Republic (Missouri), April 23, 1902, page 7.

During the early years of the new franchise, they were also regularly referred to as the “Spiders,” in a nod to the name previously closely associated with Cleveland baseball:

Minneapolis Journal, June 25, 1901, page 12.


Washington Times (Washington DC), June 20, 1902, page 4.

During the long tenure of their manager Napoleon “Nap” Lajoie, who joined the team in 1902, the Cleveland Americans were most commonly known as the Cleveland “Naps”, until he left the team following the 1914 season. 

During spring training of 1907, however, some writer (or writers) called them the “Indians”:

Hot Springs, Ark., March 3. – . . . Bernhard, Joss, Hess and Rhoades, of the Cleveland Indians, are expected to arrive tomorrow.

Detroit Free Press, March 4, 1907, page 6.

Big Ball Players Arrive.

Hot Springs, March 4. – (Special.) – League ball players are arriving from the North and East almost daily to go into training. . . . Several members of the Cleveland Indians are due to reach here this afternoon.

Arkansas Democrat (Little Rock, Arkansas), March 4, 1907, page 1.

Coincidentally (or not, perhaps), one of Cleveland’s catchers that year was a Wyandotte Indian from Ontario:

Clarke, the Cleveland catcher, is a Wyandotte Indian, and Phyle, who has just joined the Giants, is of Sioux descent.  Bruce, a clever pitcher formerly with the Athletics, is an Indian. 

The Marion Daily Mirror (Marion, Ohio), August 22, 1907, page 6.

“Nig” Clarke

Jay Justin “Nig” Clarkeplayed six seasons in Cleveland (1905-1911).  He also claimed to have hit eight of the nineteen homeruns hit in a wild Texas minor league game between Corsicanna and Texarkana, on July 14, 1902.  But although he was known to be an Indian, or at least part-Indian, there was much hype about his heritage as there had been for Sockalexis a decade earlier.  It is unclear whether his presence on the team had any direct connection to the renewed use of “Indians” that spring.
                                                                                                                                 
Baseball was not the only sport associated with the name “Indians” in Cleveland:

Amherst, O., Nov. 24. – Seven hundred fans, the largest number that ever attended a football game in Amherst, saw the Lorain Crescents literally mop Brandt’s park with the Cleveland Indians, Sunday afternoon.  The final score was: Lorain Crescents 34, Cleveland 0.

The Chronicle-Telegram (Elyria, Ohio), November 24, 1913, page 5.

(Wow, Cleveland loses 34-0 – the name changes, but the score remains the same (ouch!).)

In 1911, a cryptic comment in a report about negotiations to host the following year’s convention of the International Typographer’s Union uses the name “Indians” to refer to negotiators from Cleveland, although the intent of the allusion, or its relevance to Cleveland’s team names, is unclear:

The Ottawa boosters went to ‘Frisco via U. S. lines in order to head off the Cleveland Indians who are after the Houston scouts for the 1912 convention.

Vancouver Daily World (British Columbia, Canada), August 12, 1911, page 15.

The “Naps” were once again called “Indians” during spring training in 1914, just nine months before the formal announcement of the team’s new name:
 

Last Year [Walter] Johnson pitched 12 shutout games, blanking every club in the league except the Cleveland Indians.

Wichita Daily Eagle (Kansas), March 15, 1914 page 7.
 

The Cleveland Indians will have a field day in Athens, Ga., just before they break camp.

Norwich Bulletin (Norwich, Connecticut), March 17, 1914, page 3.

 There seems to be a straight line between the signing of Sockalexis, the decision to emphasize the name “Tebeau’s Indians,” and the nostalgic reminiscence of the old Spiders’ two nicknames which resulted in a new emphasis on the name “Indians” in 1915.  The connection is not perfect or exclusive, however, as “Tebeau’s Indians” pre-dates Sockalexis’ signing and “Indians” disappears from the printed record for big chunks of time. 

There may have been other factors.  One theory, for example, suggests that Cleveland selected the name “Indians” in imitation of the Boston Braves, in the afterglow of their miracle turnaround and World Series victory in 1914.  After sitting in last place on July 4th, Boston turned things around to win the pennant by more than 10 games, before beating the Philadelphia Athletics 4 games to 0 in the World Series. 

The theory is that they wanted a name associated with winning and “Indians” was the next best thing after the “Braves.”  I do not know who first espoused the theory, but it may have been influenced by a cartoon that appeared in the Cleveland Plain Dealer the day after announcing the name change in 1915.  A Native-American character carrying a large baseball bat – a “Heap Big Stick” – appears next to text suggesting that:


If the nature of the name has anything to do with pennant chances they should cop the flag [(win the pennant)] – for instance, look at the Boston “Braves.”

Cleveland Plain Dealer, January 1915 (as displayed on joeposnanski.com).

But Cleveland was referred to as the “Cleveland Indians” during spring training in 1914 and 1907, and were “Tebeau’s Indians” a decade or more before then.  So while Boston’s miracle season may have been one final factor in renaming the team, the fact that they resurrected the old “Spiders” name the same day suggests that the primary impulse was nostalgia and not imitation. 

And, in any case, even if the Braves’ example associated winning with Indians, there were other, perhaps more compelling reasons in 1915 to associate the name “Indians” with athleticism, good baseball and winning.


American-Indians in Sport

Although American-Indians in high-profile sports were a novelty when Louis Sockalexis broke into the league, they were prominent, highly visible, and wildly popular by 1915:



No nation since the gaseous nebula became a planet called earth has produced, in proportion to his percentage of people, more famed and gallant athletes than the American Indian and he is not confined to any one realm of sport.

The Washington Times (Washington DC), November 2, 1910, page 16.


Salt Lake Tribune (Utah), February 9, 1913, page 32.
Salt Lake Tribune (Utah), February 9, 1913, page 32.



Wilkes-Barre Record (Pennsylvania), June 27, 1914, page 30.

Chief Benderof the Philadelphia Athletics helped lead his team to five American League pennants in ten years from 1905 through 1914.  He pitched three complete games in the 1911 World Series, winning two.  He led the American League in ERA for three seasons, and he finished his career with a .625 winning percentage (212-127) and a career earned run average of 2.46.

Chief Meyers of the New York Giants was the primary catcher for hall-of-fame pitcher Christie Mathews for several years.  In 1912, Meyers batted .358, with an on-base percentage of .441, and placed third in league MVP voting. 

Jim Thorpe was the World’s Greatest Athlete (and may still be), finishing fourth in the high jump and winning the Decathlon and Pentathlon in the 1912 Olympic Games in Sweden.  He was a star football, baseball and track athlete at the Carlisle Indian School, which was then a national power-house under the guidance of coach “Pop” Warner.  He never really “caught his own punt,” as the legend goes, but he did score a touchdown off his own punt in a showdown of undefeateds with Pitt in 1911.  Later, he would become the first President of the NFL and had a higher career major league batting average than another multi-sport phenom, Bo Jackson (although, to be fair, Bo had better on-base and slugging percentages).

“Olympic Games at Stockholm, Sweden, 1912. The three Indians – Sockalexis, Thorpe and Tewanima.” James E. Sullivan, Olympic Games, Stockholm 1912, New York, American Sports Publishing Company, 1912, page 80.

Other athletes of note mentioned in the articles included several track athletes, many football players, and a race-car driver named Tobin de Hymel.  Louis Sockalexis’ cousin, Andrew Sockalexis, won the Boston Marathon in 1912 and finished fourth in the marathon in the 1912 Olympic Games, where he was a teammate of Thorpe's.  Andrew’s father applied for an entry in the 1914 Boston Marathon, but was denied because of advanced age – he was 60 years old at the time.  Louis Sockalexis’ name was also generally mentioned as one of the greatest Native-American athletes and trailblazer for those who followed.

Andrew Sockalexis finishing in fourth place at the 1912 Olympics, Den Femte Olympiaden, Stockholm, Jacob Bagges Soners Aktiebolag, 1912, Page 140.

In early 1915, the Cleveland American League baseball team adopted the new-old name, “Indians” at a time when numerous Native-American athletes were enjoying unprecedented athletic success in baseball, football, track and other sports,, and were widely celebrated in the national press.  The Boston Braves had just capped off one of the most remarkable turnarounds in baseball history with a World Series win.  The name hearkened back to the original Cleveland Spiders alternate name, “Tebeau’s Indians.”  And one of the most exciting players on the old “Tebeau’s Indians” team was a Penobscot Indian whose signing in 1897 may have prompted Cleveland’s management to abandon their old name “Spiders” and emphasize the less-commonly used alternate name. That player, Louis Sockalexis died in late 1913, barely one year before the Cleveland Americans officially became the “Cleveland Indians.”

It may be impossible to unravel all of the threads of history, or to determine precisely what may gone through the heads or influenced the decision making of the sportswriters and baseball executives who made the name change.  But it seems likely that the legacy of Louis Sockalexis specifically, and the success of Indian athletes generally, could easily have played some role, whether consciously or subconsciously. 

Or perhaps, it was simply a nostalgic nod to the name of an earlier team regardless of the origin of the name, as seems to have been the case with renaming Cleveland’s American Association team as “Spiders.”

If Louis Sockalexis played some role in making the “Tebeau’s Indians” name popular, then the name may implicitly be (to some degree) in his honor.  But if “Tebeau’s Indians” were only “Indians” for the reasons similar to those that made “Chief” Zimmer a chief and his Poughkeepsie nine his “Indians,” then perhaps the name’s ultimate origin is not so honorable.

But regardless of its origin, the question remains as to whether its continued use today is honorable or not.  You be the judge.

Or perhaps you agree with Joe Posnanski who wrote,“I don’t believe the Indians were named to honor Louis Sockalexis, not exactly. But I do believe the Indians name, as long as it exists, could honor him. That choice is ours.”

But regardless of your position on the issue, any name would certainly feel a lot more honorable if they could just win one more World Series.








Oh, and about the logo . . . ???



[i]One researcher believes that "Chief" Borchers may have been the inspiration for the character Burrows in the epic baseball poem, Casey at the Bat (see, “In Search of the Historical Casey,” March 3, 2006, posted at mindmumbling.blogspot.com).

Patent Medicine and Baseball - Wahoo's Deep Roots in Cleveland

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The Great Wahoo Polka – 1863.

The Makio - 1906 (Ohio State University Fraternity Yearbook), Columbus, Ohio, 1906, page 12.

In the opening sequence of Paul Thomas Anderson’s film, Magnolia, the narrator recites a series of bizarre coincidences in which seemingly unrelated events intersect in apparently random, unexpected, almost unbelievable ways.  In retrospect, however, each coincidence seems preordained.

The narrator refuses to accept the apparent coincidences as just “one of those things”:

And it is in the humble opinion of this narrator that this is not just "something that happened."  This cannot be "one of those things."  This, please, cannot be that. 

Similarly, the history of the Cleveland baseball’s “Indians” nickname and “Chief Wahoo” logo is laced with uncanny coincidences too bizarre to believe; a whole can of worms tied together in one continuous thread.

In 1915, Cleveland’s National League baseball team selected a new nickname – the “Indians” – in honor, they say, of a former star player, Louis Sockalexis, who in 1897 was the first Native-American to sign a major league contract.

And yet newspapers referred to the Spiders as “Tebeau’s Indians” (after their manager Olliver Wendell Tebeau) as early as 1895 – two years BEFORE signing Sockalexis.

“This cannot be “one of those things”.  This, please, cannot be that.”

In 1947, the Cleveland Indians hired a young artist to design a new Indian head logo.  After some revisions, the logo more-or-less reached its current look by 1951.  Sportswriters dubbed the logo “Chief Wahoo.”

And yet, when the Cleveland Plain Dealer published cartoon images of Indians in 1915, along with some “new rooter’s lingo” suitable for a team now called the “Indians,” the word “Wahoo” appeared twice.  And, in 1915 rooters for the Ohio State University football team had been yelling “Wahoo, Wahoo, Rip Zip Bazoo” for at least twenty-five years.

This cannot be “one of those things”.  This, please, cannot be that.

An article in the Cleveland Plain Dealer in 1950 referred to New York Yankees pitcher Allie Reynolds, a former Cleveland Indian and actual Creek Indian, as “Chief Wahoo.”

And yet, a Chippewa Indian catcher, who played games throughout Northern Ohio from 1906 through 1908, was widely known by (and frequently referred to himself as) the one-name moniker – “Wahoo,” and sometimes “Chief Wahoo”.

And, if you believe the old histories, Samuel Dickason, one of the early pioneers to settle in Somerford Township, Madison County, Ohio, built his first cabin in about 1814 – “on Wahoo Glade , so called for Chief Wahoo, whose camp was not far distant.”[i] 

This cannot be “one of those things”.  This, please, cannot be that.

In 1936, an artist from Toledo, Ohio created the nationally syndicated comic strip, “The Great Chief Wahoo.”  The Chief Wahoo character invented patent medicine sold by his partner, J. Mortimer Gusto.

And yet, decades earlier, you could buy “Wa-Hoo Blood and Nerve Tonic” from the “Wahoo Remedy Company” of Detroit, Michigan, “Wahoo Bitters” from the E. Dexter Loveridge Company in Buffalo, New York, and some sort of “medicine” from the “Wahoo Medicine Company” of Hamilton, Ohio.  Detroit, Hamilton and Buffalo are all nearly equidistant (by land) from Cleveland, Ohio. 
                          
 This cannot be “one of those things”.  This, please, cannot be that.

And, perhaps most unbelievably, the word “Wahoo” was associated with Cleveland’s National League baseball team in 1893 – two years BEFORE they were first known as “Tebeau’s Indians”:

Over half the teams in the big League started off last week with new commanders. . . .  Oliver WahooTabeau is the Cleveland captain . . . . 

Hamilton Evening Journal (Hamilton, Ohio), May 20, 1893, page 6 (citing Sporting Life).   


The Narrator, Magnolia, New Line Cinema, 1999, directed by Paul Thomas Anderson. 


Wahoo’s Roots in Cleveland

When sportswriters called the Cleveland Indians’ new logo “Chief Wahoo” in the early 1950s, the most likely pop-cultural influence on the name seems to have been the well-known, nationally syndicated comic strip “Chief Wahoo,” which had recently finished a twelve year run (1936-1947).  The roots of the name of the comic strip character can be traced in a straight line (with a few detours) to Native-American and Early-American natural medicine practices of an earlier century.

Early American settlers learned the medicinal value of the Wahoo root from Native Americans.  By the 1860s, technological advances made it possible for entrepreneurs to manufacture, bottle and sell “patent medicines” and other types of “snake oil” on an industrial scale.  In a nod to the origin of the medicinal practices, many such products were marketed using Indian imagery on the labels, and sold by “snake oil salesmen” in travelling medicine shows.  A common feature of the medicine show was a character called a “medicine show Indian”:

A band of stockyard cowboys and medicine show Indians have been engaged to play a prominent part in the great Fourth of July daylight parade. 

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), July 3, 1900, page 3.

A “patent medicine show Indian Chief” near Cincinnati, Ohio – 1920s or 1930s.[ii]
The bark of the root of the Wahoo tree was popular ingredient (or purported ingredient) in “patent medicines.”  Numerous patent medicine companies used “Wahoo” in their company names and/or sold products with “Wahoo” in the name.  The Native-American origin and marketing of Wahoo-based medicines may have created the association between Indians and the name, “Wahoo.” 

The business of making and selling Wahoo-based medicines seems to have been based in and around Western New York, Ohio and Michigan.  The word or name “Wahoo” may therefore have been even more familiar to people in places in and around the Southern and Eastern Great Lakes; places like Cleveland and Toledo, Ohio. 

Zanesville Signal (Zanesville, Ohio), March 24, 1938, page 6.

A minor-league professional catcher widely known as “Wahoo” picked up his nickname while playing for the Carlisle Indian school in Western Pennsylvania.  “Wahoo” played for three seasons in towns throughout Western Pennsylvania, Northern Ohio and Southeastern Michigan. 

“Wahoo” – Cincinnati Enquirer, April 29, 1906, page 33.
Elmer Woggon, the artist who created the “Chief Wahoo” comic strip, was born and raised in Toledo, Ohio, and spent his entire life there.  Woggon was a young boy of nine to twelve years old when “Wahoo” played baseball throughout the region.  He would also have been generally familiar with medicine show-style marketing of patent medicines, including many “Wahoo” medicines, manufactured and sold throughout the region.

Pittsburgh Press, November 16, 1936, page 1.

Elmer Woggon may have been even more familiar with Toledo’s own “Wa-Hoo Bitters,” manufactured and sold by the Old Indian Medicine Company of Toledo:

C. K. Wilson's Original Compound Wa-Hoo Bitters, Peachridgeglass.com

How and why Oliver Wendell Thebeau was called Oliver “Wahoo” Tebeau in 1893 is a bit more of a mystery. 

But it did happen, and it happened in Ohio, where Wahoo medicines had been made and sold for several decades, and where the official cheer of the state’s largest university included the phrase, “Wahoo! Wahoo! Rip-Zip, Bazoo!”

The Oberlin Review (Oberlin, Ohio), Volume 17, Number 34, June 3, 1890, page 491.
While it is difficult to sort influence any particular one of these various threads may have had on the eventual naming of the Cleveland Indians’ logo, any of them, alone or in combination, may have played some role.  Whether or not any of this influences your opinion on the continued propriety of keeping the logo or the name is another question. 

You be the judge. 


The Battle of Wahoo Swamp
In 1836, during the Second Seminole War, US Army Captain David Moniac was killed in the Battler of Wahoo Swamp in Sumter County, Florida.  Captain Moniac was a Creek Indian and graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point.  He was the first Native-American to graduate from the school, and the then new state of Alabama’s first cadet to be sent to West Point.

There is no obvious connection between the Battle of Wahoo Swamp and later Wahoo medicines, but it appears to have been the first time that an event of national prominence created an association between the word, “Wahoo” and American-Indians. 

If Florida’s Wahoo Swamp was named after a tree, it would likely have been named for the Ulmus Alata, more commonly known as the winged elm or wahoo, found in the Southeastern United States from Missouri to Texas and across to North Carolina to Florida. 

The Wahoo root that became so popular in Ohio is from a different species.

Wahoo Root

Euonymus atropurpureus (eastern wahoo, burning bush, bitter-ash)

Early American settlers learned the medicinal value of the Wahoo tree from Native Americans:

Sir, I invite you to a thorough examination of the virtues of the Wahoo treeI saw mentioned in the Recorder. . . . I obtained, thirteen years ago, and fifteen hundred miles northeast of this, a knowledge of its use from a tribe of Indians, together with their mode of steaming and system of medicine . . . .

Thompsonian Recorder (Columbus, Ohio), Volume 5, Number 15, April 22, 1837, page 234.

The wahoo is a beautiful and ornamental shrub, attaining from six to twelve feet in height, and may be found throughout the Northern and Middle, and perhaps over the whole of the United States. . . .

The taste of the bark of the root is a pleasant bitter, slightly pungent.  It possesses a faint odor.  Both odor and taste much resemble that of Ipecacuanha. . . . Water and alcohol extract its virtues. . . .

When this substance was first known as a remedy, it is impossible at this time to determine.  It has, however, long enjoyed a reputation as a valuable expectorant in pulmonary diseases. . . .

As a Tonic, it enters largely into the various popular compounds, known as bitters, and as such, used in various conditions of the system; such for example, as rheumatism, indigestion, want of appetite, &c., and is extensively used during convalescence from autumnal intermittents.

“An Essay on the Therapeutic Virtues of the Euonymus Atropurpureus, or Wahoo,” Illinois and Indiana Medical and Surgical Journal, Volume 1, Number 1, April 1846, page 16.

Etymonline.comcredits the name of the Northeastern “Wahoo” to the “Dakota (Siouan) wahu, from wa- “arrow” + -hu“wood.”  It credits the name of the Southeastern “Wahoo” to “Muskogee vhahwv.”  Given the early use of the word in the Northeastern United States, however, it is possible that the word “Wahoo” (or something like it) may have been used in other Native-American languages and dialects, as well.

Wahoo Medicines

The Evening Argus (Rock Island, Illinois), June 23, 1865, page 3.

Loveridge’s Wahoo Bitters. – Among the most healthful of tonics, the most invigorating of stimulants, and the most efficacious of anti-dyspeptics, are the Wahoo Bitters, manufactured  by E. Dexter Loveridge, of Buffalo.  They are entirely vegetable, being composed of some twenty different  roots and barks; among which the chief is the Wahoo bark, widely known as an excellent tonic and alterative.  The spirits used to preserve the bitters are pure rye whisky . . . .

Cleveland Morning Leader (Cleveland, Ohio), July 13, 1864, page 4.

One of the early, commercially successful “Wahoo” medicinal drinks was “Wahoo Bitters,” manufactured and sold by E. Dexter Loveridge of Buffalo, New York.  The “Great Indian Beverage” was marketed using Native-American imagery in ad-copy and artwork. 

The “The Great Wahoo Polka” (1863) was dedicated “To E. Dexter Loveridge Esq., Buffalo, N. Y.”:


Loveridge’s “Wahoo Bitters” were sold from as early as 1864 and as late as 1870.[iii] 

Loveridge’s was  not the only “Wahoo” bitter on the market: 

Wahoo!– Eating much of the many vegetables and fruit which now flood the market is a great instigator of biliousness, people should provide themselves a remedy against such disagreeable attacks, and none better can be obtained than Pinkerton’s Wahoo and Calisaya Bitters which are becoming all the rage just now.

The Daily Journal (Ogdensburgh, New York), September 15, 1864, page 3.

This notice suggests that the word, “wahoo,” already had the alternate sense of an enthusiastic yell, like “yahoo” or “yee haw.”

Jacob Pinkerton manufactured Pinkerton’s Wahoo and Calisaya Bitters in Syracuse, New York.[iv]

Shepard’s Wahoo Bitters – 1880. See PeachridgeGlass.com.

Dr. Shepard’s “Wahoo Bitters” company was located in Grand Rapids, Michigan as early as 1880. [v]

Beginning in about 1889, Johathon Primley of Elkhart, Indiana went into business with Alfred Jones of Grand Rapids, Michigan manufacturing Jones & Primley’s Iron and Wahoo Tonic.[vi]

A “Wahoo medicine company” was located in Hamilton, Ohio in 1898.[vii]

Yale Expositor (Yale, Michigan), November 7, 1902, page 7.

The “Wa-Hoo Remedy Company” was headquartered in Detroit, Michigan as early as 1902.[viii]
and had offices in Sandusky, Ohio in 1901.[ix]

C. K. Wilson’s Old Indian Medicine Company manufactured and sold “Wahoo Bitters” and other remedies in Toledo, Ohio from about 1910 and into the 1940s.[x]  

Old Indian Medicine Company, Toledo, Ohio (PeachridgeGlass.com).


C. K. Wilson, Toledo, Ohio – 1930s (Note the NRA logo) (PeachridgeGlass.com)



Other “patent medicines” sold under Native-American names and imagery included, Dr. Wonser’s Indian Root Bitters, Old Sachem Bitters andWigwam Tonic, Objibway Bitters and the Kickapoo Indian Medicine Company.



Baseball “Wahoos”

Oliver “Wahoo” Tebeau
In 1893, Sporting Life magazine listed the seven new managers of the twelve National League teams; among them was “Oliver Wahoo Tebeau” of the Cleveland Spiders:

Over half the teams in the big League started off last week with new commanders. . . .  Oliver WahooTabeau is the Cleveland captain . . . . 

Hamilton Evening Journal (Hamilton, Ohio), May 20, 1893, page 6 (citing Sporting Life).   

Two years later, the team was called (on occasion) “Tebeau’s Indians”:


The Orioles have played good, steady ball, and as their pitchers were in good shape until the shank of the season, they have gained the honor, though not without having a close finish with “Patsy” Tebeau’s Indians.

The Tennessean (Nashville, Tennessee), September 30, 1895, page 6.

Two years after that, the Cleveland Spiders signed Louis Sockalexis, a Penobscott Indian from Maine who was believed to be the first Native-American in the major leagues:
 

New York, March 12. – . . . “In the future,” said Mr. Robinson, “the Clevelands will be known as Tebeau’s Indians.  For the life of me I do not see how they were ever called the ‘Spiders,’ for certain it is they never crept.”

The Wheeling Daily Intelligencer (West Virginia), March 13, 1897, page 3.

How and why Tebeau, whose real middle name was Wendell, was called “Oliver Wahoo Tebeau” in 1893 is a complete mystery.  Was it because he liked to yell “Wahoo” to encourage his players during games?  Was it because he liked drinking “Wahoo Bitters”?

And, how and why his team became known as “Tebeau’s Indians” even before they signed Sockalexis in 1897 is also a complete mystery.  Did his nickname “Wahoo” suggest the association with Native-Americans, and his team tagged “Indians” as a result?  Was he, as the manager – or chief, of the team considered “Chief Wahoo” long before the team was called the Indians?

I do not know.  But there seem to be several explanations available, any one of which alone, or in combination, might have triggered the names.



Charles “Wahoo” Guyon


Charles Guyon was a Chippewa Indian from White Earth, Minnesota who attended the Haskell Indian School in Kansas from about 1900 to 1904, and enrolled at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, in the fall of 1905 at the age of 19.  In 1900, at the age of 15, he played for the Haskell football team that beat Kansas State and Missouri. 

In 1901, he reportedly ran away from school and went home to Minnesota.  Whatever else he was up to Minnesota, he was slated to return to the team for the Haskell-Minnesota game in November 1901, but ran into trouble of his own making.   Guyon showed up at the University of Minnesota game, where he worked as a ticket taker but did not play in the game.  A post office agent recognized him and reported him to Federal authorities.  He returned with the team to Kansas and played for Haskell in a game against the University of Kansas the following week.  He was arrested a few days later.

In the weeks leading up to the Minnesota game, Guyon purchased two postal money orders, one for $6.00 and one for $8.00.  He added an extra zero to each one and cashed them for $60.00 and $80.00, respectively.  An investigation into one of the checks identified two postal agents as prime suspects.  But when a second check showed up, payable to Charles Guyon, the focus of the investigation shifted.  The agent who sold the money orders to Guyon just happened to go to the game in Minnesota and recognized Guyon.  The gig was up.

He seems to have turned his life around after that.  He was captain of the Haskell football team in 1904 when they beat Washburn 14-0.  A local newspaper depicted the Washburn "Sons of Ichabod" making their “last stand” against the Indians:



In 1905, at the age of 19, he enrolled at Carlisle University where he became a multi-sport star and unofficially changed his name to “Wahoo.”  



“Wahoo” played only one year at Carlisle (he became ineligible based on the number of years he played at Haskell), but did well enough to be named to at least one “All-Eastern” team:


In 1910, just before Jim Thorpe set the world on fire, The Carlisle Arrow, the school’s weekly newspaper, remembered  him as, “Charles M. Wahoo, a Chippewa Indian, former Carlisle student, and one of the greatest all-around athletes . . . .”[xi]

“Wahoo” was also known for his wit.  In 1906, his anecdote about the value of form in athletics was picked up and reprinted in newspapers from New York to San Francisco:

Adair County News (Columbia, Kentucky), July 4, 1906, page 6, part 2.


“Wahoo” started the 1906 baseball season playing with Carlisle, but signed a minor league contract with the Washington Senators (of Washington, Pennsylvania) of the Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan League (P. O. M. League) in mid-season.  After two seasons with Washington, he spent one season with Canton of the Ohio League.

Press accounts of his game generally referred to him by the single name, “Wahoo,” or “Chief Wahoo” on a few occasions.

He appears to have moved to New York City following the 1908 season, where he occasionally played professional or semi-professional baseball for the New York Seventh Regiment team.  In New York, he also started refereeing big-time college football games and took a job as a salesman with the Spalding sporting goods company.

Spalding promoted him and moved him to Atlanta, Georgia in 1911, where they gave him responsibility for the Southeast region.  In Georgia, Guyon continued refereeing big-time college football games and hooked up with Coach Heisman (THE “Heisman”) at Georgia Tech, where he became an assistant coach for several years. 

Charles’ little brother, Joe Guyon Sr., played for Georgia Tech while Charles coached there.  Joe Napoleon “Big Chief” Guyon” played for the Canton Bulldogs in 1919 and played for seven seasons in the NFL, where he usually shared backfield duties with his old Carlisle teammate Jim Thorpe.  The two helped the New York Giants win the NFL Championship in 1927.  Joe was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1966.  A recollection published years later suggested the Charles Guyon also played professional football in Massillon, Ohio, which had a professional football team when Charles played minor league baseball in Ohio, but I have been unable to confirm it from contemporary accounts.

In about 1920, Charles “Wahoo” Guyon moved from Georgia to Washington DC, where he took a job at Eastern High School, where he taught typing and coached football, basketball and baseball.  His new students loved him:

The Washington Times (Washington DC), February 24, 1921, page 15.
And he must have loved them.  He stayed at the school for at least 25 years.

After moving to DC, he continued refereeing for college and professional football games.  He refereed numerous games for the United States Naval Academy, and in 1921 refereed a game between the Canton Bulldogs and Washington DC's NFL team (who were not known as the Washington Redskins). 

Charles Guyon's nephew, Joe Guyon Jr., continued in his forebears' football tradition.  He helped Catholic University of Washington DC cap off a successful 1939 season with a trip to the Sun Bowl in El Paso, Texas. 

Reports leading up to the game suggest that the younger Guyon enjoyed playing-up his Native-American heritage, and was even called “Wahoo” on occasion:

Joe Guyon, C. U. left halfback, will be renewing old friendships when he goes to El Paso.  Joe, a full-blooded Chippewa Indian, is the son of Joe Guyon, Sr., Carlisle Indian star who played with Jim Thorpe.  The elder Guyon is now in Arizona, coaching an Indian school and may come to El Paso to see his offspring play.  Young Joe plans to take his tribal feathersalong on the trip, just to show the Southwesterners that the effete East can whoop it up a bit.

If he’s coaxed hard enough, Joe will give his famous Indian dance that has become a tradition at Catholic University.  Only on rare occasions has “Wahoo” Guyon danced the “Dance of Victory” and then only when the game has been important enough Joe says the Sun Bowl game calls for a special demonstration and if the Cardinals are fortunate enough to win on New Year’s Day, the handsome Indian will strut his stuff with all the trimmings.

El Paso Herald-Post (Texas), December 19, 1939, page 8.

Sadly, the game ended in a scoreless tie, so Joe Jr. had no occasion to do the “Victory Dance.” 

Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky) August 13, 1945, page 9.

It is not clear how or why Charles Guyon picked up the “Wahoo” nickname in the first place.  Perhaps he borrowed the name from the popular “Wahoo” medicines, based on their close association with Native-Americans.  But he played at a school full of Indians and on teams full of Indians, so that does not answer why he, of all of the players, picked up the name. 

Perhaps he liked to yell “Wahoo” when he played, to encourage himself or others.

Perhaps it was a known Indian name that he liked.  He was not the only person to study at Carlisle who had the name:


Joseph Twin, a Winnebago and a former student at the Carlisle Indian School, has eloped with pretty Lystia Wahoo, a maiden of the Cherokee tribe.

The Evening World (New York), December 3, 1908, page 3.

The name does not seem to have been foisted on him against his wishes.  He proudly signed his name as “Wahoo” in correspondence with Carlisle years after leaving the school. 

Or, perhaps Guyon, who was considered a better hitter than a catcher, picked up the name in emulation of “Wahoo” Sam Crawford, the 9th best major league batter ever (under the “grey ink test”), who finished the season at or near the top of the American League in home-runs, triples, slugging percentage and number of bases reached in many seasons over a nineteen-year career, beginning in 1899. 


“Wahoo” Sam Crawford

“Wahoo” Sam Crawford played for the Cincinnati Reds (1899-1902) and the Detroit Tigers (1903-1917) during a nineteen-year career in the major leagues.  Crawford came by his nickname naturally – he was born and raised in Wahoo, Nebraska, which, in turn, was named for the plant.[xii] 

Crawford played for Wahoo’s town-team as early as 1894.[xiii] He was such a good player that he had his own team by 1897:

Omaha Daily Bee, August 10, 1897, page 2.

With a hometown team named for him in Nebraska, perhaps it was no shock that he took his hometown’s name in the major leagues.

The Times (Washington DC), September 27, 1899, page 6.


The “Wahoo” League

A more obscure baseball “Wahoo” appeared in the Minneapolis Journal in 1905.  An anecdote about a game purportedly played in the “Wahoo League” (wherever that was) featured a loophole in the rules, a pneumatic pitching machine, and a cat that went to sleep in the wrong place at the wrong time:


You can probably fill in the rest of the story with a quick look at the accompanying sketch.  The story itself is of little consequence, but it is interesting to see a one-off use of “Wahoo” in another baseball context.

                                                                            
Wahoo Cartoons

1915

See the entire image atJoePosnanski.com, “Cleveland Indians: The name”.

In January 1915, on the day after announcing the team’s name change, from Naps to Indians, the Cleveland Plain Dealer published a cartoon with several images of Native-Americans and baseball players in Native-American dress.  The cartoon suggested that the name change might bring “new rooting lingo for the fans.”  The “new rooting lingo” included the words “wahooooooo” and “wahoo.” 

Looking back on the cartoon from today’s perspective, the word “Wahoo” might be interpreted as a specific, negative reference to Native-Americans.  At the time, however, the word “Wahoo” was not only associated with the Wahoo-root remedies learned from an earlier generation of Indians, it was also an enthusiastic yell. 

In a local football game in Indiana in 1894, for example:

Gifford made the touchdown and Parker kicked goal.  Wabash again promised to score, and the wahoo of the Crawfordsville boys was shrieked in a high key, but the ball was again lost and Butler started back.

The Indianapolis Journal, November 25, 1894, page 4.

Wahoo was also a prominent and long-standing feature of cheers at Ohio State University football games, and had been since at least as early as 1890.[xiv]

Sing along, if you’d like:

Songs of Ohio State University, New York, Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge Inc, 1916.

Ohio State’s student newspaper was briefly renamed “Wahoo” in 1892:

In the fall of 1892 the name was changed to Wahoo, and as such it was published three times a week for three months.  The name Lantern was resumed in 1893, and a new plan of publication was adopted.

Thomas C. Mendenhall, History of the Ohio State University, Volume II, Columbus, Ohio, The Ohio State University Press, 1926, page 188.

It is not clear whether “Wahoo” had been a feature of cheers at the Cleveland Naps’ baseball games before 1915, but many of their fans would have presumably have been familiar with OSU’s old school yell.  Perhaps the word “wahoo” was not the new part of the “new rooters’ lingo” referenced in the 1915 cartoon; perhaps the “new” words were the non-standard gibberish words like “weck oo” and “zoea erk.”

It is also unclear whether OSU originally used “Wahoo” in its sense as an enthusiastic yell, or in reference to “Wahoo Bitters” (or the like).  Or perhaps they just copied Dartmouth:

Dartmouth. Wah, who, wah! Wah, who, wah!
Do, didi, Dartmouth! Wah, who, wah!

“American College Cheers,” Miscellaneous Notes and Queries, Volume 6, Number 6, June 1889, page 301.[xv]

The pharmaceutical sense of “Wahoo” converged with the cheering sense of “Wahoo”  at Kansas State University’s School of Pharmacy (the other words are medicinal herbs as well):


 Eriodictyon glutinosum!
Chondodentron tomentosum!
Wahoo! Buchu!
Pharmacy! Pharmacy!
K. S. U.

Iola Register (Iola, Kansas), June 10, 1898, page 5.[xvi]

Although it is possible that Cleveland’s “new rooters’ lingo” word, “Wahoo,” could have been a specific reference to the medicine (and by extension to American-Indians), it may well have had another connotations as well.  And even if the “Wahoo” was intended as a reference to medicine or Indians, it is not clear whether the word itself would have been understood as “negative,” even if other aspects of the cartoon were more clearly negative.


1932

Four years before the syndicated comic strip, “Great Chief Wahoo,” debuted, and fifteen years before the Cleveland Indians commissioned the logo that would come to be known as “Chief Wahoo,” a cartoon Indian appeared on the front page of the Cleveland Plain Dealer alongside the results of the day’s game:

Cleveland Plain Dealer, May 3, 1932, page 1 (see Brad Ricca, “The Secret History of Chief Wahoo,” Belt Magazine, June 19, 2014).

Similar cartoons ran on the front page with each day’s game results for thirty years.  It seems likely that the familiar cartoon Indian image could easily have had some influence on the designer of the Indians’ new logo in 1947. 


1936

The publicity campaign for the new “Chief Wahoo” comic strip introduced readers to the strip’s characters a week or two before its debut:

Indianapolis Star, November 22, 1936, page 33.

·      Big Chief Wahoo learned wisdom from the book of nature . . . The Great Gusto attended the University of Hard Knocks and flunked the course in common sense.

·      Big Chief Wahoo has money to throw at the birds . . . The Great Gusto couldn’t buy breakfast for a canary.

·      Big Chief Wahoo is the salt of the earth . . . The Great Gusto is the salt seller.

Indianapolis Star, November 22, 1936, page 33.

Chief Wahoo was like a Native-American Jed Clampett.  He had money from striking oil in Teepee town, but instead of moving to Beverly Hills, he romanced his sweetheart, “Minne-ha-cha,” in New York City.  His partner Gusto was so impressed with Chief Wahoo’s medicine formula that he bottled it and sold it as Ka-Zowie Kure-All.  Although Wahoo and other Indians were frequently portrayed as naïve and backward throughout the series, the white characters were more likely to be the butt of the strip’s jokes.

The broadly comic version of the comic strip lasted about four years.  The comic tone was replaced in 1940 with the introduction of globetrotting photojournalist, Stever Roper, who took the series in a more serious, soap opera-like direction. 

In 1942, for example, Chief Wahoo fought Nazis and sold War Bonds:

Pittsburgh Press, October 29, 1942, page 32.
Washington Court House Record-Herald (Washington Court House, Ohio), May 14, 1942, page 5.

Coincidentally, Chief Wahoo was retired from the strip in 1947, the same year in which the Cleveland Indians commissioned their new logo.  I guess the old saying is true, “when god closes the door on one cartoon Indian, he opens the door for another” (that is an old saying, isn’t it?).  Steve Roper, on the other hand, survived in one form or another until 2003.  

“Chief Wahoo’s” creator, Elmer Woggon, was born in Toledo, Ohio in 1897 and remained there throughout his life.  He would have been a young boy of about nine to 12 years old when Charles “Wahoo” Guyon played baseball throughout Western Pennsylvania, Northern Ohio and Southern Michigan during the 1906-1908 seasons.  He would also have been generally familiar with various “Wahoo” medicines manufactured and sold throughout the lower Great Lakes during the period.  

Elmer Woggon may have been even more intimately familiar with Toledo's own “Wahoo Bitters”, manufactured by the Old Indian Medicine Company of Toledo, Ohio beginning in about 1910 and into the 1940s.  It seems plausible (if not likely) that Toledo’s “Wahoo Bitters” were the primary influence when Toledo Native, Woggon, named an American-Indian character who invented his own patent medicine “Chief Wahoo”.

“C. K. Wilson’s Original Compound Wa-Hoo Bitters,” PeachridgeGlass.com.


1947


In1947, Cleveland Indians’ owner, Bill Veeck, hired Walter Goldbach, 17, to design a new logo for the team.  The logo was revised in 1951, taking on (more or less) its current form.  The earliest known reference to the logo as “Chief Wahoo” is reportedly from 1952.  For a comprehensive survey of the history of the logo, and earlier cartoon imagery in the Cleveland Plain Dealer and Elmer Woggon’s comic strip, see Brad Ricca’s article, “The Secret History of Chief Wahoo” (Belt Magazine, June 19, 2014).

Ricca’s article also points to a few instances of the Plain Dealer referring to a former Cleveland Indian’s pitcher (and actual Creek Indian) named Allie Reynolds as “Chief Wahoo” in the early 1950s.  But since those references came just a few years after Woggon’s “Chief Wahoo” strip finished its long run, it seems more likely (to me at least) that the comic strip would have been the primary influence on both the name of the logo and the paper’s referring to the pitcher as “Chief Wahoo.”  It seems less likely that the infrequent references to the pitcher would have specifically influenced the name of the logo – but you never know.

The Cleveland Indians’ name and logo have been roundly criticized as clearly racist.  Brad Ricca’s article on “The Secret History of Chief Wahoo” and Peter Pattakos’s article, The Curse of Chief Wahoo, are we paying the price for embracing America’s last acceptable racist symbol?, Cleveland Scene (Online), April 25, 2012, lay out the position passionately with comprehensive documentation. 

Joe Posnanski strikes a somewhat more conciliatory tone (at least with respect to the name of the team) in his article,   “Cleveland Indians: The Name, JoePosnanski.com”.  He closed his article saying:

I don’t believe the Indians were named to honor Louis Sockalexis, not exactly.  But I do believe the Indians name, as long as it exists, could honor him.  That choice is ours.

Perhaps the same may be said about “Chief Wahoo”. 

I wonder what Oliver Wahoo Tebeau or Charles “Wahoo” Guyon would have had to say about it.


                                                     



[i]Chester Bryan, History of Madison County, Ohio, Indianapolis, 1915, page 706.
[ii] Benjamin and Eleanor Klein, The Ohio River Handbook and Picture Album, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1950, page Z-37 (undated photograph by Mr. Lemen; other photographs in the group were dated between 1925 and 1940).
[iv][iv]For more information about Pinkerton and other “Bitters” companies, see Ferdinand Meyer V, “Jacob Pinkerton’s Wahoo & Calisaya Bitters,” PeachridgeGlass.com.
[vii]The Journal News (Hamilton, Ohio, March 28, 1898, page 4, column 1.
[viii]Michigan State Gazetteer and Business Directory, 1903-1904, Detroit, R. L. Polk & Co., page 742.
[ix]Benjamin F. Prince, Editor, The Centennial Celebration of Springfield, Ohio, Springfield, Ohio, Springfield Publishing Co., 1901, page 130.
[xi]The Carlisle Arrow, Volume 7, Number 6, October 14, 1910.
[xiii]Omaha Daily Bee, September 01, 1894, Page 2.
[xiv]The Oberlin Review (Oberlin, Ohio), Volume 17, Number 34, June 3, 1890, page 491.
[xv]With the growth of intercollegiate American football after 1869, American Colleges entered into a sort-of “arms race” to create the most distinctive and ridiculous sounding cheers.  Princeton developed the first cheer, organically, in response to fireworks shows in celebration of the completion of the trans-Atlantic telegraph cable in 1851. Rinceton’s “sis, boom, bah!” cheer is now considered the proto-typical sports cheer.  The sound emulates the sound of the launch, explosion and reaction to fireworks. See my earlier piece, The Explosive History of Sis! Boom! Bah!
[xvi]Nearly the same cheer (with Buchu and Wahoo transposed) appeared three years earlier in the Topeka State Journal(Kansas), June 17, 1895, page 4.

Tammany Hall, Buck Buckenberger and the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company - why Washington and Atlanta are Redskins and Braves

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Washington Redskins

The Washington Redskins NFL football franchise started in Boston in 1932.  The team played at the city’s National League baseball team’s park and shared the team’s name – the “Boston Braves.”

In its second year, the team moved across town to Fenway Park, the home of Boston’s American League baseball team.  In order to avoid confusion with their old baseball hosts, and apparently to fit in with their new baseball hosts name, while retaining the Native-American nature of the nickname, the football took on a new name.  Their new hosts were the “Boston Red Sox,” and the football team took on the name “Boston Redskins” (frequently spelled “Red Skins”).[i]  The new name wasn’t much of a stretch, as the Boston Braves had been regularly referred to in the press as “Redskins” for years (as had the Cleveland Indians and Indianapolis Indians baseball teams).

If the Redskins did not choose the nickname to honor their Native-American coach and several players, and they only chose the name Braves because they first played in a stadium with a team of the same name, then the reason the Redskins became the Braves (and then Redskins) is basically the same reason the Braves became Braves in the first place.
                                                                      

Boston Braves

In 1915, Cleveland’s National League baseball team adopted a new name – the “Indians.”  It is widely believed that they adopted the name, in part at least, to emulate the success of the Boston Braves, who won the World Series in 1914 after changing their name from “Rustlers” to “Braves” two seasons earlier. 

The fact that Cleveland’s team had been regularly known as “Indians” over the course of two decades before its name change suggests that the popular story does not paint the full picture.

See my earlier post,

And if Cleveland was emulating the “Braves,” how did the “Braves” get their name?  The official story is that a new owner chose the name because of his association with a New York City political machine named for an Indian. 

As was the case with Cleveland, however, the official story of the Boston Brave’s name change for 1912 does not paint the full picture.  They had been known by that name for at least a decade before the name change: 



Montgomery, Ala., April 3. – “On to Birmingham” is the battle cry of Buck’s braves, and tonight, with two victories over Montgomery tucked away, Buckenberger led his recruits to Birmingham, where more scalpsare looked for.

Boston Post (Massachusetts), April 4, 1904, page 3.


The Official Story

On December 21, 1911, after decades of generally being known as the “Beaneaters”, the team’s new owner, James Gaffney, broke with tradition and gave the team a more heroic name, the “Boston Braves”:

Boston, Mass., Dec. 21. – President Ward, of the Boston Nationals, states that his team will hereafter be known as the “Boston Braves.”  In a spirit of levity last week, President Ward suggested to Mr. Gaffney, the new owner, the name “Boston Braves.”  The suggestion made a hit with the owner, owing to his connection with the Tammany organization in New York.  Henceforth the club will be known as the “Boston Braves,” if it is necessary that it carry a sobriquet.

Reading Times, December 22, 1911, page 6.

The new owner liked the name because he was a member of New York City’s powerful Tammany Hall political machine.  Tammany Hall was named after a revered 17th Century Native-American statesman and leader, Tamanend or “Saint” Tamanend, who was widely considered the unofficial “Patron Saint” of America.[ii]

The official story may be true, as far as it goes.  It does explain why the new owner liked the name, but it raises additional questions.  Why did President Ward suggest the name in the first place, and why did the name strike a chord with fans? 

Just one year earlier, the team had been renamed the “Boston Rustlers,” after the previous owner, W. Hepburn Russell, who owned the team for only one season.  The team had been variously known as the Red Stockings, Red Caps and Doves in previous years.  And yet, despite the various informal nicknames and name changes, the team was regularly referred to as the “Boston Braves” or “Buck’s Braves” between 1902 and 1912.  Something else may have been going on.

As was the case with Cleveland, Boston’s new name could have been influenced by many factors.  Sports-writers of the day frequently peppered their prose with American-Indian metaphors to emphasize the sporting ideals of esprit de corpsand a strong fighting spirit, which were generally understood as being admirable qualities of Native-American culture.  Native-Americans were also becoming increasingly visible, successful and popular in football, track and baseball, and their athletic abilities were widely admired and praised in print.[iii]  In Boston, the name “Braves” may have been more directly influenced by a manager named “Buck” and the informal name of a local militia unit.

And in any case, the Boston Braves were not the first team in the Greater-Boston Metropolitan Area to be named after a 17th Century Native-American statesman and leader  (more on that later).

“Buck’s Braves”
        Boston
The Boston Nationals (or Beaneaters, Doves or Rustlers) were sporadically referred to as “Braves” between 1905 and 1911:

. . . The Boston braves came up, swung according to their best lights, then went back to the bucket.

Indianapolis News, October 6, 1908, page 10.


St. Louis Squad Scalped by the Boston Braves

Los Angeles Herald, June 22 1905 page 4.

The occasional use of “Braves” after 1904 may have been a carry-over from Al “Buck” Buckenberger’s three-years with the team from 1902 through 1904, when the team was frequently referred to as “Buck’s Braves” or “Boston Braves”:

Pittsburgh Press, August 21, 1904, page 19.

 
“Buck” and his Boston Braves moved on to Pittsburg last night, where they are to meet the champions to-morrow. 

Cincinnati Enquirer, June 4, 1903, page 4.

A. C. Buckenberger and his Boston Braves are due to-day. 

Cincinnati Enquirer, July 10, 1902, page 4.

On occasion, the Indian imagery was extended beyond “Braves” to “Tribe”:

The Washington Times (Washington DC), July 1, 1902, page 4.

The Washington Times (Washington DC), July 19, 1902, page 4.

Surprisingly, perhaps, even Boston’s American League team was occasionally referred to as “Boston braves” during the same period; perhaps a result of conflating the teams, or perhaps reflecting a pre-existing meaning of “Boston Braves” (more on that later):

Clark Griffith’s New York Americans will clash with Jimmy Collins’ champion Boston braves in New York.

The Winnipeg Tribune (Canada), April 16, 1904, page 17.

The defeat of the champion Pittsburgs by Jimmy Collins and his band of Boston braves was another blow to the nationals . . . .

Lewiston Evening Teller (Lewiston, Idaho), April 8, 1904, page 8 (Jimmy Collins led the Red Sox to a win over Pittsburgh in the first modern World Series in 1903).

 

        Pittsburgh

The name “Buck’s Braves” did not originate in Boston.  It followed Buckenberger to Boston from Pittsburgh, where he managed the Pirates from 1892-1894:

Pittsburgh Daily Post (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), August 3, 1893, page 1.

Pittsburgh Daily Post (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), August 5, 1893, page 6.



Pittsburgh Daily Post (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), April 26, 1892, page 6.


 “Buck’s Braves” may have even pre-dated his term with Pittsburgh, as suggested by a later-reported anecdote about his time with Kalamazoo in 1897:


It was back in ’87, in the palmy days of the Tri-State league . . . .  Buckenberger was manager of the team and played second base.  There was one team in the league that was pie for them and that was Mansfield, where “Buck” and his braves had a clean slate of games won.

Scranton Republican (Scranton, Pennsylvania), February 12, 1905, page 2.


Cincinnati

Al Buckenberger was not the only “Buck” to lead a band of so-called “Braves” in the National League.  The Cincinnati Reds were routinely referred to as “Buck’s Braves” from 1895 through 1899 when William “Buck” Ewingmanaged the team:
 
[The Senators] took advantage of every opportunity to let Buck’s Braves circle the circuit, and on counting up it was seen that eighteen of the Indians had passed Cartwright, Joyce, DeMontreville, Rogers and Jim McGuire and found a tally and a soft seat on the Cincinnati bench.

Washington Times (Washington DC), May 27, 1896, page 3.

It’s possible that the earlier use of “Buck’s Braves” in Pittsburgh could have influenced the later use for “Buck” Ewing’s Cincinnati teams.  But it is also possible that a now archaic meaning of “Buck” may have contributed to the name.


Princeton Union (Princeton, Minnesota), April 5, 1894, page 6.

 
Indian Bucks

During the late-1800s, Native-American women were commonly referred to as “Squaws” and Native-American men as “Bucks”:

Jamestown Weekly Alert(Jamestown, North Dakota), April 7, 1882, page 2.

 “Prince” Sitting Bull – “My father did not return for many days, and when he did there was a big celebration.  It lasted for three days, and was marked by the giving away of young squaws to brave bucks, in recognition of their services.”

The Seattle Post-Intelligencer (Seattle, Washington), October 15, 1899, page 16.

A team with a manager named “Buck” would have been a prime target to be referred to as “Braves” or “Indians”.  But they were not the only teams subjected to the ballplayer-as-Indian metaphor.


Native-American Imagery in Sports

The ballplayer-as-Indian may have reached its logical (or ridiculous) zenith in a piece about Buck Ewing’s Cincinnati Reds:

According to the Baltimore News Captain Buck Ewing is alleged to have harangued his braves in the following manner on the eve of the series with Hanlon’s champions [(the Baltimore Orioles)]:

Braves and Red men, listen to my words of wisdom, listen to Old Man-Afraid-of-the-Undertaker and hearken to my words of wisdom.  To-day we go up against the pale face squaw men from the land of oysters, and ere the sun sets the cactus plants to westward their scalp locks must dangle from our belts– Old Man-Afraid-of-the-Undertaker has spoken and it goes, see?

“Ugh! Why do these pale face squaw men come from the land of oysters and camp upon the trail of Buck’s braves? Why? Why do they come? Because the pale face squaw men want the calico rag [(pennant)] to fly from the top of their tepee; but they won’t get it – Old Man-Afraid-of-the-Undertaker has spoken and it goes, see?

“Ugh! Buck’s braves have their war paint ready and their tommyhawks glisten in the morning sunlight.  Buck’s braves eat heap fatted dog and mean to get that calico rag or let the coyotes howl over their carcasses.  Who are the first on the long trail through the prairie grass to victory?  Buck’s braves.  Who are playing ball like a lot of Pawnee medicine men full of fire water? Buck’s braves.  Who do not care a papoose’s ejaculation for the Tebeau – heap Tebeau, Man-Who-Eats-Fireworks? Buck’s braves. . . .  Buck’s braves will get the calico rag – Old Man-Afraid-of-the-Undertaker has spoken and it goes, see?

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 22, 1896, page 10.

Native-American imagery was also in general use in sports reporting of the era, even where the names of the manager or team did not naturally suggest it. In many cases, the imagery appears to have played off the notion that American-Indian culture was associated with a strong fighting spirit and teamwork, which are both admirable qualities in sports.

In many places and at many times, the term “tribe” was used as a euphemism for “team.”  In this example, referring to the Boston Red Sox, the writer used no fewer than seven different terms to refer to the team, in an apparent effort to avoid repetition:

Hats off to Manager Fred Lake and his band of young ball tossers, the Boston Americans, who have jolted the baseball dopesters this year.  In the spring the Red Sox looked like the joke clubof the league, but Lake has taken a bunch of youngstersand whipped them into wonderful shape, so that right now they appear to be the best balanced team in the league.  If one were asked to pick a real individual star on the Red Sox team he couldn’t do it. . . . [T]hat Boston tribe is playing the game.

Trenton Evening Times (Trenton, New Jersey), August 20, 1909, page 7.

The Chicago Cubs, for example, were a “tribe” on occasion:

Washington Herald (Washington DC), September 29, 1910, page 8.
Detroit Free Press, July 1, 1910, page 11.
 
In 1907, the Topeka Kansas team was referred to as the “tribe of Cooley” (after their manager), in 1905, the Minneapolis Millers were referred to as the “Watkins tribe” (after one of their owners); and in 1906, the “Ned” Hanlon’s Cincinnati Reds were referred to as the “Cincinnati tribe.”[iv]

In 1904, the University of Nebraska’s football team worried about their practices being “spied upon by the representative of a rival tribe, for his braves are trying the new signals and need every attention that he can possibly give them.”[v]

In some instances, a euphemistic “tribe” might be on the proverbial warpath for opposing team’s metaphoric “scalps”:

The Chicago tribe of Loftus, with five New York scalps hanging to their belts, came to town yesterday to tomahawk the locals.

The torture was well under way when the tables were turned and Loftus’s men received a rude surprise.  A batting rally, aided by poor pitching on the part of the Windy City slab artists, allowed the locals to tie the score.

The St. Louis Republic (Missouri), July 23, 1901, page 6.

A similarly war-like account of a game from 1896 coincidentally involved George Tebeau, the brother of Patsy Tebeau who managed  “Tebeau’s Indians,” Cleveland’s first team to be known as “Indians”):

[I]t was Big Chief Ganzel, of the Newcastle tribe, and behind him, in single file, trudged his little and silent band of braves.  The big chief did not stop until he had reached the open ground then, as he shaded his eyes with his ponderous hands, he silently surveyed the horizon.  Seemingly satisfied, he uttered a guttural “ugh,” and the rest of the band came from the forest into the bright sunlight of the prairie and silently, as before, followed their chief across the dead and seared turf towards the setting sun.

Away off to the west, unobserved by the painted warriors, a brave, with feathers in his hair, his battle ax in his hand and bow and arrow slung across his broad shoulders, stood scanning the eastern slopes. . . . With a low whistle, as the cooing of a dove, there arose, as from the earth, eight warriors, dressed as their chief, and sprang to his side.  With a few words of command the chief sprang to the front, and, silently as the wind and as swiftly as a frightened deer, the band approached the coming marauders.  It was Chief Tebeau and those that followed were his braves, tried and true. . . .

Big Chief Ganzel’s eagle eye discovered the approaching Colts and with the eagerness of a panther he and his associates sprang forward.  The two bands met on the shady banks of the historic Maumee.  The battle lasted one hour and fifty minutes, and then Big Chief Ganzel withdrew his men from the field. . . . [F]rom present appearances the big chief will be driven back to his eastern hunting grounds with his brow broken and his scalp left dangling on the centre pole of Chief Tebeau’s tepee.

The Fort Wayne Journal-Gazette(Indiana), September 4, 1896, page 1.


Ancient and Honorable “Boston Braves”

In the late-1890s and early 1900s, members of the “Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts,” the oldest chartered military organization in North America, were regularly referred to (and referred to each other) as, “Boston Braves”:


There is consternation in the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston.  The Attorney General has decided that the Ancients may not wear their present braveuniforms, but must array their martial forms in something not so nearly resembling the uniform of the regular army.

New York Tribune, June 13, 1905, page 6.

The Wet Durbar to be held by the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in Bostonnext fall . . . is already the subject of respectful comments among students of the art of war . . . .

We expect to hear that awful war song,
“Take out the ‘dead ones!’
Bring in the ‘live ones!’”

In the general chorus of compliment to these Boston braves, one voice, kind enough in intention, seems a little harsh and cracked.

Iron County Register (Ironton, Missouri), January 15, 1903, page 1.

Rumor tells with pale lips that the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Bostonintends to invade Halifax. . . .  If worst comes to worst, and the invincible Boston bravesinsist upon marching into Nova Scotia, the first thing to be done by the repellers of the invasion will be to put signs on the outside of the citadel: “Positively No Bar!”

The Sun (New York), August 17, 1897, page 6.

The warriors of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston have taken pity on Baltimore, and nobly resolved to pay their own way, and to buy their own food and supplies while honoring that city with their martial presence. . . . Yet the resources of the Boston braves are great. 

The Sun (New York), October 7, 1896, page 6. 

In a letter written to welcome home a delegation of Ancient and Honorables returning from London:

. . . You will please make my apologies and extend for me a cordial welcome to the returning braves.


Two-Hundered and Fiftieth Annual Record of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts, Boston, Mudge & Son, 1888, page 41.

In a hint of irony, the Ancient and Honorables were founded, at least in part, to provide protection against Indians  (at least as told in a brief historical sketch of the company published in 1888):

When the first white settlers settled in Massachusetts, as is known to every school boy who has read his history of the colonies, they were surrounded by wild and savage tribes of Indians, who were exceedingly treacherous, and who, jealous of the foothold the whites were gaining on the soil, harassed them continually, thus rendering the subject of military protection most engrossing.

Several of the settlers had been members of the Honourable Artillery company of London, and were men who had in that way become somewhat proficient in martial duties, and it occurred to these to establish such a company in their new colony.
                                     
The Wichita Daily Eagle(Wichita Daily Eagle), June 24, 1888, page 12.

The “Boston Braves” of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company were not the only social organization to call themselves “Braves” during the period.  

The “Great Incohee” of the IORM, 1904.
 
I. O. R. M.

During the first decade of the 1900s, the International Order of Red Men was one of the “leading secret, fraternal and benevolent organizations” in the United States, with nearly 400,000 members in 1904.[vi]  The Benevolent and Protectice Order of Elks (B. P. O. E.), by way of comparison, did not surpass the 300,000 mark until 1909.[vii] 

 “Great Chiefs” of the IORM, 1904.

The IORM was a group of grown men and women (the Order of Pocahontas) who gave each other titles such as the “Great Incohee,” “Great Prophet,” “Sachem” and “Brave,” organized themselves into regions called “Reservations” or “Hunting Grounds,” counted the years and months in “Suns” and “Moons”, and wrote the official records of their meetings in F-Troop Indian dialect. 



The “Red Men” were active in all states and many territories, and their meetings and activities were regularly reported in the press, replete with reference to “Sachems”, “Braves” and other American-Indian imagery.

So, when the Boston Beaneaters became the Boston Braves, the concept of naming an organized group of men using Indian terminology was not far-fetched or exotic.  It was part of the every-day landscape of American pop-culture – and had been (in some form or another) since the founding of the country.

Saint Tammany
The International Order of Red Men traced its history to “Tammany Societies” of the early United States, the oldest surviving one of which was New York’s Tammany Hall, to which the Boston Braves’ new owner belonged in 1911.  Tammany (or Tamanand) was a Delaware Indian who was revered by Native-Americans and Anglo colonists during the 18thcentury.  May 1st was celebrated as Tammany Day throughout much of the Middle-Atlantic region.

Although many of the stories passed down through the Tammany societies read paint him as a god-like figure on the order of a Greek god, he is believed to have been an actual person.  His name appears on at least one treaty, ceding land to William Penn in 1683, and he may have been involved in negotiating a second treaty signed in 1685.  The fact that his name does not appear on the second treaty leads some to believe that he died sometime between 1683 and 1685.

Tammany (or Tamanand) was remembered as a model of good government, wisdom and liberty:

He was kind, merciful , and brave. . . . Such was the man whom the patriots of the Revolution adopted as their tutelary saint; and if they could not claim that he had performed miracles, they could at least point to him as one who had rendered good service both to his own people and to the whites, and who, while he endeavored to live in peace with all men, would suffer neither wrong nor abuse, nor submit to a loss of his liberty or his rights.

Proceedings of the Tammany Society (1867).[viii]

Revolutionary Patriots revered him as a personification of liberty and individual rights.  The decision to call him a “Saint,” however, was more of a joke at the expense of Brits and Europeans than a sign of religious reverence:

His friends adopted the idea of calling him a saint merely to ridicule the foreign societies founded about the period of the Revolutionary war, which had generally designated their organizations by the name of some European saint.  The Sons of Liberty were determined that America should not be behind other countries in the illustrious character of her productions, and hence they invented the legendary accounts of the distinguished chieftain, a portion of which were based on the stories received from his descendants.

Proceedings of the Tammany Society(1867).[ix]

Like the Improved Order of the Red Man a century later, meetings of the St. Tammany societies included common tropes and cultural clichés associated with Native-American culture, as illustrated by reports of an early meeting of the St. Tammany Society of New York City in 1787:

At eight o’clock, P. M. the society sat down to an elegant supper, provided by Mr. Hall, after which the following toasts were drank, viz.

. . . May the war hatchet be buried, and the pipe of peace be smoaked, until time shall be no more;

May the industry of the beaver, the frugality of the ant, and constancy of the dove, be the perpetual characteristicks of the sons of St. Tammany;

The daughters of St. Tamany and their paupooces. . . .

May honour, virtue, a true sense of liberty, and a detestation of slavery, be the characteristicks of Americans, and all their adopted brethren.

[A]fter drinking the above toasts, and singing some excellent songs, in honour of their Tutelar Saint, and smoaking the pipe of peace, every man departed to his own wigwam and hunting ground.

The Worcester Magazine, Volume 3, Number 8, Fourth Week in May, 1787, page 99.

In 1794, a successful stage play celebrated the life of Tammany, portraying his quest for liberty against foreign oppression as a metaphor for the United States’ newly established democratic experiment.  A British compared the costumes worn in the production with the more garish garb and faux-Indian make-up worn by Tammany societies:

How these sons of the forest [(Native-Americans)] must have despised the sorry imitators of barbarism, who followed in their train, with painted cheeks, rings in their noses, and bladders smeared with red ochre drawn over their powdered locks.  Hodgkinson’s [(the actor)] dress was not so barbarous, for the actor took care not to excite disgust or laughter.

William Dunlap, History of the American Theatre, London, R. Bentley, 1833, page 201.

Some of the earliest Tammany societies were, in turn, related to the “Sons of Liberty,” the Revolutionary-era organization whose members included, Samuel Adams, Benedict Arnold, John Hancock, Patrick Henry and Paul Revere.  The Sons of Liberty were known to use American-Indian imagery in some of their pro-independence propaganda.  Paul Revere, for example, designed an illuminated obelisk which, on one panel, depicted an oppressed American as an Indian lying under a Liberty Tree.[x] 

In 1773, the Sons of Liberty dressed up as Indians for more practical reasons.  They disguised themselves as Mohawks, boarded three British vessels loaded with tea, and threw the entire shipment into Boston Harbor – the “Boston Tea Party.  A song written to commemorate the party remembered the participants as “Braves” and “Chiefs”:

Rally, Mohawks! Bring out your axes!
And tell King George we’ll pay no taxes
On his foreign tea! . . .

Our country’s ‘braves’ and firm defenders
Shall n’er be left by true North-Enders,
Fighting Freedom’s cause!

Then rally, boys, and hasten on
To meet our chiefs at the Green Dragon.
 
Francis S. Drake, Tea Leaves: Being a Collection of Letters and Documents Relating to the Shipment of Tea to the American Colonies in the Year 1773, by the East India Tea Company, Boston, A. O. Crane, 1884, page 176.

Forty years after the Boston Tea Party, a British observer managed to insult his country’s and Canada’s First-People’s allies more than his American enemies, while noting the irony of white Tammany cultists preparing to do battle with Tecumseh during the War of 1812:

[The Tammany Society] has, by a sort of retrograde movement in the path of civilization, adopted not only an Indian tutelary saint, but many of the emblems, customs, names, and manners of their Indian neighbours, who are at present signalizing their gratitude on the borders of Canada.  The sons of Tammany, as they affectionately denominate themselves, have probably of late become not a little sick of their patron Saint, and his whole race, and it is to be hoped will never again insult their wounded country, by the exhibition of such barbarous mummery, or degrade themselves by affecting either the dress, decorations, or manners,  of such detestable monsters, who, though to the shame of every honest Briton, associated with the sole remaining “bulwark of our faith,” are only distinguishable from the tiger by their form.

W. Allston, The Sylph of the Seasons, with other poems, London, W. Pople, 1813, Note IV, page 172.

The aftermath of Tecumseh’s War and the War of 1812 forever shifted the balance of power between the United States and Native-American tribes, paving the way for westward expansion and future disputes and Indian wars.

One hundred years later, a baseball team in Boston assumed the name “Boston Braves,” in part based on its owner’s membership in a club named for Saint Tammany.

Surprisingly, perhaps, it was not the first team in the greater-Boston area to be named after a 17th century Native-American leader and statesman.  That honor goes to the “King Philips” of East Abington (later Rockland), the amateur champions of Massachusetts in 1874.


The “King Philips”

The “King Philips”, a successful Boston-area baseball team in the 1870s, was still remembered fondly in 1915:

Next Thursday night quite a gathering of baseball men will be entertained by the Knights of Columbus at Rockland.  Among the number will be [Red Sox] Pres. Joseph J. Lannin, [Red Sox] manager William Carrigan and Harold Janvrin.  The writer will go along to meet the few members left of the famous King Philips, champions of New England when Rockland was called East Abington.

Boston Daily Globe, January 10, 1915.[xi]

The “King Philips” were named for the Wampanoag Sachem or chief Metacomet, who later in life adopted the English name, “King Philip.”  He was killed during “King Philip’s War,” a three-year conflict between and among Native-Americans and English colonists.
  
                   
Although there does not appear to be any specific, direct connection between the naming of the “King Philips” baseball team in the 1870s and the naming of the Boston “Braves” in 1911, the name of the earlier team at least demonstrates the early openness to naming baseball teams after Native-Americans.

In 1903, two amateur baseball teams fighting it out for cross-river bragging rights in Rock Island, Illinois and Davenport, Iowa displayed a similar openness to taking on the names of revered Indian leaders who died fighting for their freedom:

While 300 interested spectators looked on, interested witnesses, the King Philip baseball team neatly scalped the Tecumseh tribeof Davenport, and hung the gory locks at its belt as another record of its prowess on the field of battle.  The outing took place Sunday at Rock river.

Rock Island Argus, September 15, 1903, page 2.
 


What’s in a Name?

The Boston Nationals’ decision to officially adopt the name “Boston Braves” in late-1911 may resulted from a confluence of several factors; an owner who belonged to Tammany Hall, a team that had once been widely known as “Buck’s Braves,” and/or a widespread sports-reporting tradition of applying Native-American imagery to team sports.

The name was chosen at a time when Native-American sports stars were numerous, popular, well-known and widely admired and praised in the press.  The name itself (despite some now-cringe-worthy imagery used in association with the name) may have grown out of a long-standing tradition of respecting and honoring perceived admirable characteristics of Native-American culture and its heroes St. Tammany and King Philip (even if done in what might now seem like a ham-handed or cynical manner), and the new nickname was fondly embraced by fans who adopted the name as their own. 

In the case of the football team, the switch from “Braves” to “Red Skins” seems to have been a simple case of fitting in with their new stadium, as opposed by a conscious decision to choose what is viewed now as a more blatantly racist name.

Are the names honorable titles reflecting admiration for Native-American traditions and culture, and a remaining vestige of a time when American-Indian athletes were tearing up the cinder track, baseball diamonds and football gridirons?

Are the names dishonorable legacies of widespread and long-lasting mistreatment Native-Americans and cynical appropriation of their cultural legacy?

Are they innocent names, beloved by generations of sports fans with no conscious ill-will or openly racist sentiment, far-removed from the prejudices of earlier generations and untainted by long-past wrongs?

You be the judge.

But whatever you decide, please, not the “Beaneaters”!





[i]“1933 News Article Refutes Cherished Tale that Redskins were Named to Honor Indian Coach,” Robert McCartney, The Washington Post, May 28, 2014 (online)(citing, The Hartford Courant, July 6, 1933).
[ii]Donald A. Grinde and Bruce E. Johnsen, Exemplar of Liberty: Native America and the Evolution of Democracy, 7thDraft, April 1, 1990, online at radical.org, Chapter 9, “An American Synthesis, The Sons of St. Tammany or Columbian Order.”
[iv]  Topeka State Journal (Kansas), April 4, 1907, page 2 (Topeka “tribe of Cooley”); Minneapolis Journal, July 1, 1905, page 20 (Minneapolis Millers “Watkins tribe”); Des Moines Register (Iowa), May 14, 1906, page 2 (“Cincinnati tribe”).
[v]The Minneapolis Journal, October 21, 1904, page 24.
[vi]Record of the Great Council of the United States of the Improved Order of Red Men, Fifty-Seventh Great Sun Council, Held at St. Joseph Missouri,Volume 12, Number 3, Page 21.
[vii]Charles Edward Ellis, Authentic History of the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, Chicago, self-published, 1910, page 265.
[viii]Proceedings of the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, on Laying the Cornerstone of their New Hall in Fourteenth Street, and Celebrating the Ninety-First Anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence, July 4th, 1867, New York, York Printing Company, 1867, pages 108-109.
[ix]Proceedings of the Tammany Society, New York, York Printing Company, 1867, page 108.
[x]“Mohawk as Emerging as a Symbol of Liberty in the New Land,” Boston-Tea-Party.org, citing Donald Grinde and Bruce Johansen, Exemplar of Liberty: Native America and the Evolution of Democracy (1991).
[xi]The King Philips were one of only eight teams in the Massachusetts Association of Amateur Base Ball Players in 1873(Boston Post, April 20, 1874, page 4).  In 1874, they were considered the “amateur champions of the state” (Boston Post, August 24, 1874, page 3).  They were in operation through at least 1879 (Boston Post, June 12, 1879, page 2).

Puppies, Austrian Bread and Austrian Sausage - a Finely Ground History of "Hot Dogs"

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New York Tribune, August 20, 1922.


Hot dogs! Warm puppies. Step this way for your red-hot canines!

Metropolitan Magazine, Volume 26, Number 5, August 1907, page 652.

This circus barker’s sales pitch is not just a pun – it is suggestive of the origin of the term, “hot dog,” as applied to a cooked sausage in a bun.  The suggestion that mystery-meat sausage may include dog meat is a centuries-old joke – and, in some cases, a genuine concern.

Hopkinsville Kentuckian, October 25, 1895, page 2.
Illinois Free Trader and LaSalle County Commercial Advertiser (Ottawa, Illinois), May 5, 1843, page 2.
Binghamton Courier(Binghamton, New York), May 01, 1845, Page 2.


Mules and horses may have had just as much to fear:

Hopkinsville Kentuckian, October 25, 1895, page 2.

It has recently been discovered that in New York an improvement has been attempted on the sausage.  An investigation among the fat-rendering establishments of Jersey City has revealed the fact that dogs and horses have been liberally used in the manufacture of sausage-meat. 

The Evening Telegraph (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), October 1, 1870, page 3.

It appears that the “red hots” (frankfurter sausages) sold at Coney Island and on the streets of New York are horse meat or mule meat, to say nothing of their being of the very lowest quality at that.

The Roanoke Daily Times (Virginia), May 21, 1896, page 6.

But despite the rumors, the desire for sausages continued apace:

We cling to our sausage through good report and evil report, and though dogs become scarce and sausage-meat abundant about the same time, we never dream of coupling the two circumstances.  Who knows that this piece of canine delicacy that I eat with my buckwheat cake is not tainted with hydrophobia?  This beautifully browned saucissonmay be nothing but madness chopped fine and fried.  Well, what is to be will be.  How satisfactory that is! New York must have her sausages, even if she goes without her dogs.  So let us buy hydrophobia by the pound.

The Evening Telegraph (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), October 1, 1870, page 3.

“Frankfurter” sausages and “Wienerwursts” have been called “hot dogs” in the United States since at least the early 1890s[i], and were jokingly referred to as dogs much earlier.  But while the origin of the term, “hot dog,” is clear, the origin of the sausage and bun is more of a mystery.

Washington Herald (Washington DC), November 10, 1912, page 38.

Writing pop-histories, like making sausage, isn’t always pretty – a bit from here, a scrap from there, run it through the grinder – it’s not kosher, but voila!  They taste good, many of their parts are edible, but some of them are hard to swallow – a few examples:

The “hot dog” was invented in 1805 by Johann Georg Lahner, a Frankfurt, Germany, butcher – thus “frankfurters.”[ii]

Charles Feltman [was] the genius who devised a charcoal stove on his pie wagon capable of heating sausages and put the heated sausages inside fresh rolls.[iii]

Los Angeles Times,June 29, 1953, page 68.
Harry M. Stevens . . . sold peanuts in the early days of baseball and later invented the hot dog . . . .[iv]

Jim Donohue . . . invented the hot dog.[v]

Tradition has it St. Louis is the birthplace of the American hot dog.  The date: 1883.  But it was not until some years later, when Anton Feuchtwanger cloaked its blushing warmth in a bun and peddled the delicacy from his wagon, that the hot dog made good locally.  Then came the wider audience of the St. Louis World’s Fair . . . and the hot dog began its triumphant march to world fame.[vi]

Here’s how the hot dog began, according to most accounts.  A sausage salesman named Sigmund, selling at the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904, gave his customers gloves to hold the hot sausage while they ate them.  That cost too much.  So his helper, Otto, cut out special buns for the sausages.  Others say A. M. White invented the sausage on a bun at Asbury Park, N. J., in 1895.[vii]


But regardless of who “invented” the “hot dog,” it was, much like apple pie,[viii]an American institution by 1920:

The Columbus Dispatch (Ohio), March 28, 1920, section 2 page 3.

      
                                                               

Pola Negri, continental motion picture star, tries one of the great American institutions in Los Angeles – the “hot dog.” 

The Evening Star (Washington DC), November 3, 1922, page 17.

A complete history of the “hot dog” is deeper, more complex, and more satisfying than the easily digestible popular stories, even though most of the standard stories include at least a morsel of truth.  Let’s open the bun, peel back the sausage casing and sort out the meat from the meat by-products.

So, who invented the “hot dog”? 

It depends on what you mean by “hot dog.” 

If by “hot dog” you mean a Wienerwurst or Frankfurter sausage – long, slender sausage made with finely ground meat (generally a mixture of pork and beef), you may get one answer.   If by “hot dog” you mean a Wienerwurst or Frankfurter sausage served on bread, you may get another answer.  And, if by “hot dog” you mean a Wienerwurst or Frankfurter on a spongy white-bread bun, you may get yet a third answer.

Wienerwurst or Frankfurters were introduced into the United States by the early 1870s.  Street vendors selling hot wienerwursts and bread (generally “brown” or “rye” bread, when specified) were a feature of Midwestern cities along the Ohio River and Mississippi River Valleys throughout the late 1870s and into the early 1880s.  The earliest, unambiguous evidence of Wienerwurst in New York City dates to about 1873.  The earliest unambiguous reference to serving “sausages” (perhaps Frankfurters) on a “roll” (perhaps a Vienna roll) dates to 1881 on Coney Island.


Proto-“Hot Dogs”

Long before Wienerwurst or Frankfurter sandwiches became popular in the United States, people throughout the United States and Europe were known to eat “bread and sausage” or even sausage sandwiches.  It is not clear, however, whether these early sausages were of the Wiener or Frankfurter style that would later become known as “hot dogs.”  Many sausages, like bologna or salami for example, have a large diameter, are sliced and served cold – nothing like a “hot dog.” Other sausages were large, with hard casings, and could not be easily bitten and chewed like Wiener and Frankfurter-style “hot dog” sausages.

An early example of American “bread and sausage” sparked a political controversy.  The sausage, however, was not hot.  Congressman William Sawyer of Ohio pulled it out of his pocket and ate it for lunch on the floor of the United States House of Representatives, touching off a minor scandal:

Every day about 2 o’clock, he [(Congressman Sawyer)] feeds.  About that hour he is seen leaving his seat and taking a position in the window, back of the Speaker’s chair, on the left.  He unfolds a greasy paper, in which is contained a chunk of bread and sausage, or some unctuous substance.  This he disposes of quite rapidly, wipes his hands with the greasy paper for a napkin, and then throws it out of the window.  What little grease is left on his hands he wipes on his almost bald head, which saves an outlay for pomatum.  His mouth sometimes serves as a finger-glass, his coat-sleeves and pantaloons being called into requisition as a napkin.  He uses a jackknife for a tooth-pick, and then he goes on the floor again, and abuses the Whigs as the British party, and claims the whole of Oregon as necessary for the spread of civilization.

Polynesian (Honolulu, Hawaii), October 24, 1846, page 3 (reprint of article that appeared in the New York Daily Tribune before March 5, 1846).

The Congressman confirmed some elements of the story, denied others, and introduced an arguably unconstitutional motion to expel the reporter from the chamber:

Mr. Sawyer, in bringing the matter before the House, distinctly admitted that he did usually ‘feed’ upon sausage and bread about two o’clock each day, but stoutly denied the charge of using his coat and pantaloons as a napkin, or his mouth as a wash bowl.  The House saw no reason why Mr. Sawyer should not be permitted to do with his own as he saw fit, and consequently pacified the Hon. Member, by expelling the offender.

Vermont Phoenix(Brattleboro, Vermont), March 12, 1846, page 2.

The American sausage affair sparked Euro-elitist ridicule of classless Americans in the German-language press:

The continent has scarcely recovered from a laugh that threatened at one time to become hysterical.  Had the hysterics set in, the whole cause of the disease, and the moral responsibility of its consequences would have rested on the shoulders of the honorable member of the House of Representatives, who sees fit when he is hungry to retire to a window of the house and enjoy a lunch of bread and sausage.

The New York Herald, July 31, 1846, page 1.

There were two common 19th century American food items which, like “hot dogs,” involving ground or minced meat in bread.  The names of these food items, “hot dodger” and “sausage roll,” sound tantalizingly similar to “hot dogs”.
 
A “hot dodger” was a hard griddle cake made from cornmeal.  When made with meat cooked into the cake, it sometimes referred to as a “beef dodger.”  When made without meat, it was commonly referred to as a “corn dodger.”  The name “dodger” was said to refer to the tendency of corn to pop or sizzle when heated, causing the cake to move or “dodge” in the pan.[ix]

A “Sausage Roll” was prepared by cooking seasoned chopped meat inside of a pocket of pastry dough[x]; more like a pioneer “Hot Pocket” than a “hot dog.”

One account of a typical New York street scene in 1870 described something more closely resembling an actual “hot dog”:

[T]here has to me always been something wonderfully seductive in the spectacle of a market woman selling vegetables with one hand, and with the other dipping into a cup of smoking coffee a fragrant sausage, rolled up in a well-buttered buckwheat cake.  It is a perfect picture of vulgar happiness.

The Evening Telegraph (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), October 1, 1870, page 3.

It is not clear whether this particular sausage was a “Wienerwurst” or a “Frankfurter,” and a buttered buckwheat cake is not quite a bun, but it pre-dates the earliest unambiguous evidence of either “Wienerwurst” or “Frankfurter” sausages (by those names) in the United States by only a few years, so it is possible that the sausage was a Wiener. 

“Wienerwursts” and “Frankfurters” are alternate names for the same sausage.  They were invented by a Frankfurt-trained butcher working in a suburb of Vienna (Wien in German) – hence, “Frankfurter” and “Wienerwurst” (Vienna sausage).  Coincidentally, the early hot dog buns were generally referred to as “Vienna rolls,” which were also developed in Vienna.


Wienerwursts and Frankfurters

Johann Georg Lahner
In 1805, Johann Georg Lahner, a Frankfurt-trained butcher from Gasseldorf Germany (b. 1772) invented a new type of sausage while working in Alt-Lerchen, Austria, a suburb of Vienna.  The revolutionary sausage was announced in a Vienna newspaper on May 15, 1805.  In Vienna, he marketed the sausage as a “Frankfurter,” after the city where he trained; outside of Vienna, it came to be known as a “Wienerwurst,” after the city of its origin. 

One hundred and seventy-five years later Vienna celebrated the feat:
 

A famous Austrian celebrated its 175th anniversary.  Not some war hero or other famous personage but something that gave simple pleasure to countless millions through the years.

It was 175 years ago that Johann Georg Lahner, a butcher from the Viennese suburb of Alt-Lerchen feld first concocted the exact recipe for a new kind of sausage.  Having spent his apprentice years in Frankfurt and sensing that prophets are usually not honored in their own country, he called his invention “Frankfurter”.  This explains the curious fact that the home town called these sausages “Frankfurters” while the rest of Europe called them by their rightful name of “Wiener”– a literal translation of “Viennese”.  Be that as it may, the Viennese saw cause for celebration: The mayor gave an official speech in which he pointed out that a city which celebrates something edible instead of a war hero was a good place to live in, the populace responded by eating even more of the delicious product than usual and the spokesman for the butchers pointed out that they are selling their product at a loss.  In their festive mood, the Viennese were even willing to let that go . . . and ate another “Wiener”.

Austrian Information (New York), a publication of the Austrian Information Service, Volume 33, Number 10, 1980, page 8.

Contemporary sources verify that the same sausage was still known by two names in the mid-1800s:

They have arranged to deliver, every day, 10,000 pairs of “Frankfurter with Kren”.  What they call a “Frankfurter” here [(Vienna)] is what people outside of Vienna call “Wiener Wuerstchen”; “Kren” is grated raw horseradish.

Friedrich Giehne, Zwei Jahre oesterreichischer Politik, Schaffhause, Fr. Hurter, 1868, page 519.

The original “Wienerwurst” or “Frankfurter” was a mixture of beef and pork, something that Lahner had not been allowed to do in Frankfurt, where the prevailing rules of butchery forbid mixing meats. 

The new sausage was accepted by the Imperial Court and became very popular.  Prominent fans reportedly included Franz Schubert, Johann Strauss, and the poet, Adalbert Stifter, who arranged to transport the sausages from Vienna to his home in Linz (a distance of 110 miles) when weather conditions permitted (the temperature had to be low enough to ensure the sausages remained fresh – this was before refrigeration or train travel with cold storage).[xi]

Lahner’s successful sausage helped him launch a family business that lasted for a century and a half.  In 1906, one of his great-grandchildren invented the “pig in a blanket,” or “Wuerstel im Schlafrock” (sausage in a nightshirt).  Lahner’s meat company was in operation until 1967.

Lahner’s signature sausage, however, lives on today, thanks (in part) to its eventual success in the form of the American “hot dog.”  But before it became an American institution, it had to get to the US.     

The international “Wienerwurst” market may have experienced a boost with its prominence at the International Exposition of 1867; the Paris World’s Fair:

[T]here were bakers of sweets and cakes, and makers of gauffresaround the gardens, not to speak of the sausage and Wiener Wurst booths where refreshments solid and liquid could be had.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, November 20, 1867, page 4.

Within a few years, you could find Vienna sausages, “Wienerwursts” and “Frankfurters” all up and down the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys; presumably spread by a wave of German immigrants who helped fuel the expansion of the American West.
                       

“Wieners” and “Frankfurters”

It may be impossible to know how or when sausages similar to Lahner’s “Wienerwurst” were first enjoyed in the United States, but in 1871, you could order “Vienna sausage with potatoes salad” in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.  You could order “Vienna sausage and sauerkraut” in Bloomington, Illinois in 1873.  By 1874, you could buy “Vienna Sausage” from butchers and sausage makers in Jefferson City and St. Louis, Missouri, and Memphis, Tennessee. 

Memphis Daily Appeal, October 31, 1874, page 2.
“Vienna sausage” could be ordered in a German restaurant in New York City as early as 1873, but not in the form of a hot dog.  Dinner came with a “hunk” of bread cut from a communal supply in the center of the table, but the sausages were not served on the bread as a sandwich.  The “loved Vienna sausage” was served with “half and half – that is to say, half a plate of sauer-kraut and half of mashed potatoes.”[xii]

The earliest unambiguous evidence of something like a “hot dog” appears, appropriately enough, in the city then proudly known as “Porkopolis” – Cincinnati, Ohio.  In 1875, in the German quarter of Cincinnati – “Over the Rhine” – you could buy a generic sausage from the “sausage-man” or a “Wienerwurst” on bread from the “Vienna sausage-man” or “Wiener wurst man”:



The sausage man perambulates [the saloons and gardens of the German neighborhood] at all hours of the day and evening; but chiefly at half-past nine and eleven in the morning, about six in the afternoon, and throughout the evening, from seven or eight till after midnight. . . . 
 The Vienna sausage-man is another well-known character “Over the Rhine.”  He is constantly to be met with, and is known by every body.  He carries with him a large tin full of sausages, while a small boy by his side bears the bread, the salt, and the pepper.  He is a man not without wit, but of an aspect which the irreverent declare to be bordering upon the ludicrous. . . .  Every one “Over the Rhine” knows them both, and every kindly German has a nod and a smile for the man and the boy.

Daniel J. Kenny, Illustrated Cincinnati: a Pictorial Hand-book of the Queen City, Cincinnati, Stevens, 1875, pages 135-136.

Although they were not yet called “hot dogs,” “Wienerwursts” were already, on occasion, jokingly referred to as dogs or dog meat:

It is Frank Maeder, of the Troubadour party [(the Troubador was a musical play being performed in Cincinnati that week)] who is the greatest living destroyer of “Wienerwurst,” and not Frank Warder, as the types had it yesterday.  We do not propose letting “Handsome Frank” off that easily.  The truth of history must be maintained.  He came near “bulling” the “dog” market last week.

The Cincinnati Enquirer, October 30, 1876, page 8.

In 1877, a New York City sausage shop called, “The Vienna,” advertised “Something new! Pure Sausages, Vienna style,” suggesting that the sausage was still a novelty, at least in New York City:

New York Herald, May 27, 1877, page 13.

Three years later, a New York newspaper profiled Cincinnati’s “Wienerwurst” vendors, suggesting that the sausage may still not have been well known in the city, or at least not as sold by street vendors:

“Wiener wurst” is a common street cry in Cincinnati, being used by venders of Vienna sausage.  These men have little stands at the street corners, provided with a vessel for keeping the sausage hot by means of steam, a box for German rye bread, and a jar for horse-radish.  For five cents they sell a steaming link of sausage, resting on a slice of bread, with horseradish sprinkled over it.  The sausage is made of three parts of beef to one of pork.

The Sun (New York), November 9, 1880, page 2.

Wiener-wurst is an article of street sale peculiar to Cincinnati, and its peddlers do most of their business at night.  When a cent is handed to the vender, he lifts the lid of his tin box, from which warm steam comes oozing forth; seizes a piece of brown paper and a slice of black or rye bread daubs on the latter about a tablespoonful of horse radish, and then with a fork, produces the wiener wurst, nothing more than a sausage, long and slenderly made, of a reddish, beefy hue.  It is piping hot, appetizing, and has a sort of flavor about it that is both strengthening and savory.

Evening Visitor (Raleigh, North Carolina), October 6, 1881, page 1.

This last article was republished in numerous other newspapers, with “Cincinnati” changed to “Western cities” generally.  By the mid-1880s, the “Wienerwurst” peddler had become a well-known personage on the streets of cities along the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri River valleys.  It seemed like a good business to get into:

The wiener-wurst season has come.  An enterprising young man might get an outfit for a mere song, and make a good living this winter.  Wiener-wurst, fresh bread and horse-radish, yum, yum.

Atchison Daily Patriot (Kansas), November 20, 1878, page 4.

In St. Louis, a number of “wiener-wurst men” were arrested during a gambling raid – no word on whether Anton Feuchtwanger, the reputed “inventor” of the hot dog at the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair, was among those arrested:

At midnight last night the down town keno houses were visited by the police. . . .  At Bensley’s some wiener-wurst men were making sales among the players. . . . One of the wiener-wurst cans exploded spattering the crowd with boiling water.  Altogether 145 arrests were made.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 1, 1881, page 10.

A good wienerwurst man could make a small fortune – or large one:

A Chicago pork-packer created a sensation on ‘Change [(the stock exchange)] by announcing that in the future he would deal in Wiene4rwurst only.  He caused another sensation in thirty days by retiring from business worth $100,000. . . .

A Texas farmer made his start in Louisville by selling Wienerwurst. . . .

Louisville-made Wienerwurst is the best, but Chicago Wienerwurst yields the largest profit.

The Wienerwurst trade flourishes best at night, after the oyster with each glass of beer has retired. . . .

A few loaves of bread, a few pounds of Wienerwurst, a small water bath tank, and a coal oil tank, complete the outfit.  Nothing else is required, except the words “red hot,” and the business begins.

The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), December 19, 1884, page 4.

Wienerwurst-men appeared in Minneapolis in 1884, and did doggoned good business for a few years:

It was two years ago last spring when a Teutonic individual wearing a white apron appeared on the corner in front of the Nicollet house in Minneapolis, having with him a cylindrical tin can about two feet high, which was supplied with a small furnace in the shape of a gasoline lamp at the bottom.  He immediately set up the cry of “Ret hot; red hot.”  At first no attention was paid to him, but the persistency with which he continued to ejaculate this rather unusual expression finally induced some one to ask him what ailed him.  Then it was discovered that he desired to sell for the modest sum of 5 cents a sandwich composed of two links of weiner-wurst sausage and two slices of rye bread.  A little horse-radish added by way of a relish made the whole a rather palatable “snack.”  The sausages were heated to a temperature that probably suggested the name “red hot.”  The fame of the new bonne bouche spread rapidly and soon all classes of people were eating “red hots.”  At first it was only the “rounders” and people who were on the streets late at night who ran the risk of contracting hydrophobia [(rabies)] by masticating the enervating wiener-wurst, but the craze spread rapidly and dudes, politicians and even capitalists became slaves to the fascinating but soul-destroying “red hot.”

St. Paul Daily Globe, August 22, 1886, page 7.

With business good, several additional “red-hot” men began plying the mean streets of Minneapolis.  But in a sequence of events that would repeat themselves in other cities over the years, business slumped in the wake of reports questioning the quality of the meat.  A medical student claimed to have found a dog collar in his “red-hot,” and reports surfaced that the sausages were made from damaged meat bought on the cheap in St. Paul. 

The “red-hot” man was quickly supplanted by popcorn salesmen and “ham and” sellers, who sold a freshly-prepared “ham and egg sandwich, or rather a ham omelette and biscuit” for ten cents – a precursor of the Egg McMuffin.

In 1883, you could buy Cincinnati “Wienerwurst” (and St. Louis beer) in Texas: 

San Antonio Light (Texas), October 19, 1883, page 2.
  . . . and Wienerwurst in California:

Sacramento Daily Record Union(California), November 14, 1883, page 3.

These early Wienerwurst sandwiches were apparently not completely “hot dog”-like, in that they were not served on a spongy white-bread roll or bun.  When the bread was specified, it was generally described as rye, brown, graham, or pumpernickel, and sometimes just a “slice” or two of bread; in any case, not a roll or bun. 

For example, this early reference to “Frankfurters” in New York City refers to “brown bread” – and mustard:

I am not a great admirer of Teutonic cookery, but must admit that Frankfurter sausage, brown bread and beer do not go bad on a winter’s evening.  I never knew what a Frankfurter was made of, and I have no desire to be informed.  In know that with horse-radish and mustard it is very appetizing.

Samuel A. Mackeever, Glimpses of Gotham (2ndEdition), New York, National Police Gazette Office, 1880, page 28.

One year later, a lone “sausage” man of the Iron Pier on Coney Island sold what may have been the first real “hot dog” on a bun (even if not by that name).  Competition soon followed.
                                                                                                                                      

Vienna Rolls

The happiest man along the beach nowadays in the way of a caterer on a small scale is certainly the “sausage” man of the Iron Pier.  For 10 cents one can get a savory section of the minced and spiced delicacy deftly inclosed in a long, fresh Vienna roll, and for those who are fond of sausages it is decidedly a savory sandwich. 

New York Times, August 15, 1881.

Although the type of sausage served on the roll was not identified by name, its description as a “minced and spiced delicacy” is consistent with other early descriptions of the distinctive new sausage known as a “Wienerwurst” or “Frankfurter”.

The same article noted the success of the novel sausage-on-a-roll operation and predicted future success and more competition:

The way the cook and his assistant were overrun with orders and presented with dimes yesterday seemed to indicate that a vast number of the pier excursionists had developed an alarming appetite for the sausages.  The business is rather a novelty at present, but it is so profitable that there will no doubt be one or more opposition sausage furnaces in the near future.

New York Times, August 15, 1881.

The prediction proved prescient.  One year later, nearly to the day, they were everywhere:

A surprising feature of this section of the beach is the extraordinary consumption of sausages.  Over a dozen sausage stands are to be seen within twenty paces.  Upon huge gridirons, with roaring fires beneath them, are laid the sausages that look indigestible enough, and they are broiled until they are cooked to suit the esthetic tastes of the multitude that anxiously await the completion of the cooking process.  As soon as the sausage is cooked it is inserted in a huge roll, and this delicacy, with the addition of a coppery looking pickle, is disposed of at the moderate sum of five cents.  Over 10,000 sausages were disposed of at the Island yesterday.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, August 14, 1882, page 3.

History does not record the name of the anonymous sausage vendor who first put his sausage on a roll at the Iron Pier in 1881, nor does it say where he got his roll.

History does, however, credit an Austrian-born baker with inventing the “Vienna roll,” or at least adapting its shape to the shape of a frankfurter, and with supplying the bulk of Coney Island’s “hot dog” buns throughout the first two decades of the trade.


Reading Times (Reading, Pennsylvania), July 6, 1904, page 4.

The baker’s name was Ignatz Frischmann:[xiii]



Mr. Frischmann was born in Austria, and on his arrival in this country established a baking business at the resort, becoming the firm friend and supporter of John Y. McKane [(a neighborhood political boss)].  Even at that early date the frankfurter was an institution at Coney Island.  The shrewd baker saw a chance to make a hit and invented the long, narrow – and what has since become very lean – Vienna roll.  . . . From a daily sale of ten dozen during the rush season, the industry rose to a maximum sale of more than one hundred thousand rolls a day last summer.

The Topeka State Journal (Kansas), March 10, 1904, page 5.

 
Mr. Frischman was fifth-three years old and a native of Austria.  About twenty years ago he established a bakery at Coney Island.  He observed that the crowds which flocked there as the island grew in popularity as a resort displayed a fondness for frankfurter sandwiches.  In those days the frankfurter was served to the hungry pleasure seekers between two slices of bread.  It occurred to Mr. Frischman that it would be more delectable tucked in the depths of a Vienna roll of a special size.

Acting on the idea he began baking rolls and supplying them to the frankfurter men, who, finding that they increased business, ordered more and more of them.  Mr. Frischman, as a result, was soon turning out “frankfurter rolls” by the thousands from his ovens.  For years his bake for the average Summer Sunday was 100,000 rolls, and he was known the length and breadth of the island.

New York Times, March 7, 1904, page 13.

The report that Frischmann established his bakery “about twenty years” before his death in 1904 is more-or-less consistent with the earliest contemporary reports of “sausages” served on “Vienna rolls” at Coney Island in 1881.  Whether it was his idea to use the “Vienna rolls” as the first “hot dog” bun, or whether he merely capitalized on someone else’s idea by supplying the rolls, is an open question.   

What is not in dispute, however, is that he definitely did not “invent” the “Vienna roll”.  “Vienna rolls” had been known in the United States since at least the 1840s,[xiv]and became popular in the United States following the success of the “Model Vienna Bakery” at the Philadelphia World’s Fair of 1876.

“Hot dog” buns were routinely referred to as “Vienna rolls” well into the 1920s and crescent-shaped “Vienna rolls,” in their own right, were still commonly available.  They were well known and popular enough in the 1910s that several accounts of their early “history” appeared in numerous newspapers.

A colorful yet likely fanciful origin story credits a Polish baker named Kolszicki with inventing the “Vienna Roll.”  He purportedly invented the roll after receiving permission to open the first coffee-house in Vienna as a reward for his service as a spy against the Turks.[xv] 

Another version of the story suggests that the shape honors bakers who helped repel a Turkish invasion of Vienna:
 

It was on September 27, 1529, that the enormous Turkish host laid siege to Vienna, Solyman conducting the affair in person.  Before risking useless loss of life in a general assault the sultan tried to make an entrance into the city by means of tunnels. . . . 

Some Vienna bakers were at work one night (so runs the story) in a cellar making bread for the garrison.  During a pause in their conversation one of the bakers happened to hear the muffled sound of digging. . . .

Guessing at once that the enemy were tunneling a way into the city, the bakers rushed out and gave alarm. . . .  In the moment of victory . . . the bakers who had given the alarm were not forgotten.  To commemorate the event, they and their descendants henceforth molded their rolls into the shape of a crescent (the sacred emblem of Turkey).  The custom prevails to this day.

The Evening Times (Grand Forks, North Dakota), April 17, 1911, page 4 (from The New York Herald; reprinted in numerous newspaper).
                                                                                                                                              
Vienna bread and rolls received international acclaim at a succession of World’s Fairs; the “Exposition Universelle” in Paris in 1867:

One French journalist declares that Vienna roll which he ate at Vienna was the most exquisite in the world.  Austria, in order to prove her superiority, has established a bakery in the Exhibition Park, and thence are sold all over Paris, daily, delicious tit-bits, made as only Austrians can make them, which excite the envy of the native tradesmen.

Detroit Free Press, June 20, 1867, page 3.


This wheat-bread of Vienna has long been famed for its excellence.  As produced at the Paris International Exposition in 1867, it elicited universal admiration. . . . .

Reports of the Commissioners of the United States to the International Exhibition held at Vienna, 1873.

The rolls were such a success in Vienna that the Reports of the Commissioners of the United States to the International Exhibition held at Vienna, 1873 devoted 230 pages of text to the grain, harvesting, flour milling, and baking techniques for the distinctively white and soft bread. 

The bread was believed to have health benefits not achieved from typical American bread.  For example, it was believed to be easier to digest and less likely to cause “dyspepsia,” a common complaint in the United States at the time.  The health benefits of the distinctive white bread were believed to be derived from the “press yeast” and from flour made using “high milling” techniques applied to the “white interior” of the grain:

[I]f we can can supply ourselves with such delicious and perfectly nutritious and digestible rolls and loaves as are made at the Vienna Bakery, our grateful stomachs will testify to our wisdom, and fill our veins with the blood of a new and more vigorous life.

The Nation (New York), Volume 23, Number 548, September 7, 1876, pages 147-148.

Vienna bread and rolls could take on many forms, including the round “Kaisersemmel” (“Kaiser roll”) named for the Emperor (in German, “Kaiser”) of the former Austria-Hungary Empire.  Today, the “Kaiser roll” is popular in the United States for use as a hamburger bun.

In the United States of the mid-1800s, however, the “Vienna roll” was more typically crescent-shaped, as described in an American cookbook as early as 1846,[xvi]and as illustrated in American cookbooks published in the late-1880s:

Estelle W. Wilcox, The Buckeye Cook Book, Minneapolis, Buckeye Publishing Co., 1887, page 48 (the same illustration and recipe also appear in Estelle W. Wilcox, The New Dixie Cook Book, Atlanta, Georgia, L. A. Clarkson & Company, 1889, page 48).

Vienna rolls were a big hit at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia in 1876, where visitors flocked to the popular “Fleischmann’s Model Vienna Bakery”:

The first café which really strikes the visitor as distinctly novel and foreign is the Viennese Bakery, where you can not only eat your cake, but also see it made. . . . There is also to be had the Vienna bread in the form of a croissant, which it may not be unpatriotic to say compares favorably with the Graham or even with rye, and delicious coffee and chocolate.

The Nation, Volume 23, Number 576, July 13, 1876, page 23.

You could also get a “Vienna roll” for a nickel at “The Dairy”:

One of the pleasantest restaurants on the Centennial grounds is “The Dairy,” a little east of Horticultural Hall.  I invested forty cents there to-day, as follows: first, a large glass of pure unskimmed creamish-like milk, five cents; secondly, a saucer of strawberries piled with ice-cream, thirty cents; thirdly, Vienna rolls, five cents.

The Evening Post (New York), May 27, 1876, page 3.

Manufacturers of yeast and baking powder capitalized on the success to advertise their products:
Plattsburgh Sentinel (Plattsburgh, New York), March 2, 1877, page 2.

Daily Review (Wilmington, North Carolina), September 10, 1877, page 1.

When the Centennial Exposition closed, reports circulated that a developer was planning to purchase the fair’s “Vienna Bakery” (along with the unfortunately named Pacific Guano pavilion) and move it to Coney Island:

The manager of the Coney Island Railroad has bought the Vienna Bakery, the Pacific Guano pavilion and the New York Tribune building at the exposition, for erection at Coney Island Beach, Long Island.  He proposes to use the first two for a restaurant and a music stand, respectively.

Newport Daily News (Rhode Island), November 29, 1876, page 2.

Two years later, Charles Feltman (one of the men frequently credited with “inventing” the hot dog on a bun) did, in fact, open a “Vienna Bakery” on Coney Island:

FELTMAN’S OPENING

The opening for the season, at Coney Island, of Mr. C. Feltman’s Pavilion, will take place to-morrow.  The event will be appropriately celebrated.  Mr. Feltman has a Vienna bakery, a model milk dairy, and has a specially built oven for clam roasts.  Deverell’s Thirteenth Regiment Band will furnish the music.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 13, 1878, page 4.

So-called “Vienna Bakeries,” modeled after the “Model Vienna Bakery” of Philadelphia World’s Fair fame, opened in cities across the country in the late 1870s, bringing fancy, soft white bread and “Vienna” rolls to the masses:

When Shakespeare built that conundrum, “Tell me where is fancy bred?” he little dreamed of the showers of Vienna bakeries that our Centennial was to bring us.

Weekly Bazoo (Sedalia, Missouri), June 4, 1878, page 4.

Newport Daily News (Rhode Island), March 20, 1877, page 1.

Louis Fleischmann (apparently no relation to Fleischmann’s Yeast), the New York City baker who operated the Vienna bakery at the Centennial Exposition, opened a similar “Model Vienna Bakery” in lower Manhattan, where it became a popular fixture of sophisticated coffee and pastries – a sort of gilded-age Starbucks:

Fleischmann’s Vienna Model Bakery (of the Centennial Exposition), Broadway and 10th Street, (opposite Stewart’s). – An international fame attaches to Fleischmann’s Vienna Model Bakery. . . .  His enterprise [in Philadelphia] from the first met with pronounced success, and when the exhibition closed he removed his establishment to New York,[xvii]opening out here in December of the year 1876.  In New York he spared no pains or expense to make his establishment as attractive and comfortable to the public as in Philadelphia, and secured what is undoubtedly the choicest location on Broadway, being the elegant building corner of Broadway and 10th Street. . . . This spacious restaurant is a special feature, fitted up in the best of styles, with every accommodation to partake of refreshments, in which the delicious fresh-baked Vienna bread and rolls form the greatest of attractions, and bringing to the attention and palates of thousands its unrivalled superiority to all other breads.

Richard Edwards, New York’s Great Industries, Exchange and Commercial Review, New York, Historical Publishing Company, 1884, page 164.
                                                                                                                                                    
Ignatz Frischmann joined Feltman and Fleischmann with his own “Vienna  bakery” in Brooklyn in about the early 1880s.  Two decades later, Ignatz Frischmann was remembered as the man who “invented” the hot-dog bun, but it is unclear whether he invented it or was merely a major supplier of rolls to Coney Island’s sausage men.

History is silent as to who supplied the first Vienna roll to the “sausage man of the Iron pier, and where he got the idea.  Frischmann, Feltman or Fleischmann are all candidates, but since Vienna rolls were coming into their own at a time when “Frankfurters” and “Wieners” were increasingly being sold on bread, perhaps it was inevitable that someone would try it.  

The curved, crescent shape of the common Vienna roll may even have suggested itself for use with a “Wieners” and “Frankfurters,” which were then commonly curved like a modern bratwurst or Polska kielbasa.  Some early images of hot dog buns hint at pointy ends, perhaps like a crescent:

Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 12, 1912, page 65.

Chicago Inter-Ocean, December 26, 1897, page 33.

Or perhaps Ignatz Frischmann “devised a Vienna roll adapted to the shape of the popular frankfurter” as remembered at his death in 1904.[xviii]

In any case, “Vienna rolls” were everywhere in the late-1870s and an anonymous sausage man at the Iron pier in Coney Island had the foresight to put them together in 1881 – and there was much rejoicing.  

The Day Book (Chicago), August 20, 1913, page 13.
OK, maybe not immediately, and not everywhere, but “hot dogs” on “buns” would, within just a few decades, become one of just a few pieces of archetypical Americana, along with baseball and apple pie. 


Part II – Coming Soon!

Part II will look at the history of Coney Island, Coney Island hot dogs, baseball and hot dogs, the expression “hot dog,” and distill elements of truth from several competing origin stories. 
Washington Herald (Washington DC), November 10, 1912, page 38.

Try as I might, however, I never could find any evidence that “hot dogs” were particularly newsworthy or noteworthy at the St. Louis World’s Fair of 1904.  I have no doubt that they were available, as they had been in St. Louis for two decades before the fair.  The only fair-related “hot dog” news items I could find were about a Harvard hot dog vendor planning a honeymoon excursion to the fair and a troupe of Filipinos performing as an anthropological exhibit at the fair.

They regularly cooked and ate actual dogs.

New York Tribune, June 5, 1904, page 6.


Hot Dog!!!!



[ii]Garret Clipper (Garret, Indiana), October 22, 1936, page 8.
[iii]Pittsburgh Press, August 28, 1961, page 21.
[iv]The Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1953, page 68.
[v]Shamokin News-Dispatch (Shamokin, Pennsylvania), May 28, 1938, page 4.
[vi]St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 1, 1954, page 31.
[vii]News-Journal (Mansfield, Ohio), July 17, 1957, page 19.
[ix]John Russell Bartlett, Dictionary of Americanisms, Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 1859, 2d Edition.
[x]The Weekly Herald (Cleveland, Tennessee), January 30, 1879, page 4.
[xii]New York Times, January 19, 1873.
[xiv]A Manual of Homoeopathic Cookery, New York, William Radde, 1846, page 152 (an American edition of a British cookbook that included a number of recipes said to have been borrowed from a homeopathic cookbook originally published in Vienna).
[xv]The Publishers’ Weekly Book Review, Volume 84, Number 24, December 13, 1913,Book Review Supplement, page 2127.
[xvi]A Manual of Homoeopathic Cookery, New York, William Radde, 1846, page 152 ([C]ut it into triangular pieces, which roll up, leaving the corner out; bend them at the ends to form a crescent . . . .).
[xvii]This seems to conflict to the earlier reports that the bakery in Vienna was to be moved to Coney Island, so it is unclear whether Fleischmann sold his Philadelphia lock-stock-and-barrel to Coney Island and recreated the magic in Manhattan on his own, or whether he ultimately decided not to sell, and Feltman opened his own imitation Vienna bakery, as so many others did during theperiod.
[xviii]Reading Times (Reading, Pennsylvania), July 6, 1904, page 4.


Hollywood Execs, New York Writers, and the People They Fly Over - the Origin of "Flyover Country"

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The Des Moines Register, September 3, 1911, page 15.



Late in the evening of November 8, 2016, Election Day, I settled in to watch the election returns and relax after spending sixteen hours volunteering at my local polling place.  As the red-in-the-center/blue-on-the-coast maps flashed across the screen, the expression “flyover country” flashed through my mind.   

But I didn’t know where the expression came from.

A quick search with my favorite search engine dug up a relevant, recent article, The Surprising Origin of the Phrase ‘Flyover Country’ (Gabe Bullard, National Geographic online, March 15, 2016).  The article suggested that the expression originated not as an insult hurled by so-called “elites” on the coasts, but as a self-deprecating (at best) or paranoid (at worst) projection onto others of how those in the middle imagine others see them:

It’s defensive but self-deprecating, a way of shouting out for attention but also a means for identifying yourself by your home region’s lack of attention. It’s the linguistic nexus of Minnesota nice and Iowa stubborn.

As someone who grew up on the border of Iowa and Minnesota, the explanation did not ring true.  Although I identified with the self-deprecating usage, I wasn’t sure that the fear of being ignored or dismissed was entirely unfounded.  "Just because I'm paranoid doesn't mean that they're not really out to get me."  But in any case, I did not know for sure and was curious to see whether the suggested self-referential origin was on target or not.

It’s not.

"Flyover Country" was preceded by the earlier expressions, "the people we fly over" and "flyover people," which sprung up among television executives and writers in Hollywood and New York City.


“The People We Flyover”

A decade before the expression “flyover country” appeared in print, Mary Tyler Moore and her production team spoke to a group of entertainment reporters to talk up a new sitcom – The Mary Tyler Moore Show. 

Reporters were apparently having a hard time wrapping their heads around the concept for the show, which represented a break from long-standing television programming patterns.  The action took place in Minneapolis, not Los Angeles or New York City:

The press shredded their story idea until all of them looked like idiots in an idiot comedy.  [The show’s producer James L.] Brooks attempted to extricate them, to explain that the show won’t be a cornball directed at the boondocks.  “We’re not doing the show for mid-America,” he protested, as unfortunate choice of words which didn’t endear him to mid-America.

He suggested then that “mid-America was a figure of speech; that in Hollywood it’s cute say say, “Middle America is the people we fly over.”

The Greenville News (Greenville, South Carolina), August 3, 1970, page 27.

The expression “the people we fly over” appeared in print several times throughout the 1970s, generally credited to a television executive:

[V]iewers . . . could well be startled by former CBS program director Mike Dann (earlier quoted by Klein as saying “the public is the people we fly over”) admitting that some of the shows he scheduled “I never saw once.”[i]

[The actor Hal Holbrook said] I don’t know anything about country music really . . . . But the people – that’s what interests me . . . what one network official called “the people we fly over.”[ii]

Those of us who see the networks’ Family Viewing Time as just another excuse to program mediocrity were somewhat taken aback to read . . . that 82% of the Americans sampled favored the concept.  So much for being in touch with popular taste, we thought – and immediately scheduled a whistlestop tour of what video execs call “the people we fly over.”[iii]

The phrase may have originated with James Aubrey, who served as the President of CBS from 1959 to 1965.  Although the phrase would later be used more dismissively, Aubrey was said to have used it to encourage his executives to spend more time understanding their audience:

Jim Aubrey (one-time head of CBS-TV and later MGM) used to say it’s not New York or Los Angeles, it’s the people we fly over.  It’s important that we spend more time in the grass roots, in Des Moines or Minneapolis.[iv]



“Flyover People”

In 1979, the novelist Tom Wolfe noted how writers from New York change after moving to Hollywood (a subject addressed in Woody Allen's film, Annie Hall, a few years earlier):

Now when the New York writer moves to the West Coast . . . to work in the television industry, this has rather marked results.  He has moved from this marvelous apartment, he moves to Hollywood, and he mellows a bit.  He no longer thinks of all the people in between as Middle America or the Silent Majority.  He thinks of them instead, in the current phrase, as the flyover people.  The flyover people are the people that you fly over on the way to someplace interesting.[v]

One year later, Wolfe’s satirical look at “The Secret Heart of the New York Culturatus” (from his book, In Our time, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980, page 52) suggested that the term had since caught on in New York City:

[The New York Culturatus is] anti-Nuke, like everybody else, but he wishes the movement wasn’t so full of earnest California types playing guitars and singing those dreadful Pete Seeger Enlightened Backpacker songs . . . .

He’s for human rights and he’s against repression, but somehow he can’t get excited about the Boat People: they’re a greedy grasping little race that refuses to be assimilated into the new order.  Besides, the subject encourages revisionism about the war in Vietnam.

It’s tacky to use terms like “Middle America” and “the silent majority.” They’re so sixties, so out of date.  He calls them “the fly-over people” instead.  They’re the people you fly over on the way to Los Angeles.


“Flyover Country”

If the people you fly over are flyover people, then the place they live might naturally be called “Flyover Country.”  The earliest example of the expression that I found in print is from Donald Bowie’s memoir of his fascination with Television, Station Identification: Confessions of a Video Kid (New York, M. Evans and Company, 1980).  Bowie, who grew up and went to college in Boston, “sought shelter from the draft” and reluctantly found it in Indiana – he didn’t like it:

Newton Minow, who said television was a “vast wasteland,” should have lived for a while in Indiana, where I was in graduate school.  Then he would have been grateful for television, which, even at its worst, can offer the saving grace of not being filmed in a place like Indiana. . . .

One Sunday evening the Smothers Brothers devoted a segment to a Bobby Goldsboro song entitled “Honey.” So sentimental it could sweeten every apple pie at the church fair, and suited for the national anthem of the flyover country . . . .

His acerbic observations must have some merit because he claims to have had a good education.  He went out of his way to reassure the reader that he “didn’t go to Harvard” but “didn’t have to go to B. U. either,” which makes me wonder whether “flyover country” is as much of a self-defense mechanism for insecure people from the coasts as it is a self-deprecating coping tool for people in between.

Coincidentally, Bowie’s book ends where “the people we fly over” began (or at least came into into public view) – the Mary Tyler Moore Show: 

[W]ith Mary Tyler Moore off the air I didn’t know where to stop spinning the dial – there was nothing on.”

As for my part, I find state-by-state binary coloration of election maps a bit misleading (except for the limited purpose of showing electoral votes).  Many people in the reddest states vote blue and many people in the bluest states vote red, making most states a shade of purple, perhaps.  And in any case, red and blue are both just parts of a larger color spectrum that runs from scarlet to pink and cerulean to turquoise with many shades in between.  

And in any case, the color conventions are arbitrary.  I am neither red nor blue regardless of how I voted – well, red, white and blue, perhaps.  

http://www.270towin.com/



See also, "After the Election, the Concept of "Flyover Country" Rises," Ben Zimmer, Wall Street Journal (online), November 22, 2016.


[i]The Los Angeles Times, September 2, 1974, Part IV (View), page 11.
[ii]The Tennessean (Nashville), October 21, 1975, page 15.
[iii]The Los Angeles Times, January 26, 1976, Part IV, page 14.
[iv]The Los Angeles Times, November 7, 1978, Part III, page 13.
[v]The Des Moines Register (Des Moines, Iowa), June 12, 1979, page 7.

Sister Susy and Santa Claus - How We Learned that Santa Claus Lives at the North Pole

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In a recent post I traced the origin of the expression “flyover country” to the dismissive attitude of television executives and writers who referred to a large portion of their audience as the “people they fly over” while shutting back and forth between New York and Hollywood.




In this post, I look at a more positive form of “flyover” – Santa Claus’ annual trek around the world dispensing gifts and joy to girls and boys (and hopefully someday to a blog writer who’s been very good this year).

While the origins of the Santa Claus myth (if we can call something that is absolutely true a myth he adds, hedging his bets) are generally well known, there are a few elements of secular Christmas folklore whose origins are less well known.  The leg-lamp made famous in the classic film A Christmas Story, for example, dates to at least 1921;  Charlie Brown’s sad Christmas tree predates the TV-special, A Charlie Brown Christmas, by nearly a century; Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer’s dentist friend, Hermiethe Elf (or a reasonable facsimile thereof), appeared in an advertisement for Gimbel’s Department Store in 1914; and the popular notion that Santa Claus lives at the North Pole is several years older than generally believed – at least as early as 1863 as opposed to 1866.


Leg Lamps

A series of drawings illustrating life on the streets of Washington DC during the holiday season of 1921 included this image of an early leg-lamp.


The Washington Times, December 4, 1921, 36.

I was also naively unaware of and never fully appreciated the "deep" thematic relationship between leg-lamp stockings and Christmas stockings until I saw this shapely poem published in 1884:




What’s in your stocking?


Sad Christmas Trees

The cover art for the book, Kriss Kringle’s Christmas Tree (Philadelphia, E. Ferrett & Co., 1845) shows a very short Santa Claus hanging toys in a Spartan, if not quite Charlie Brown-like, tree.




A spittin’ image of Charlie Brown’s Christmas tree appeared on the cover of a German humor magazine in 1867:
 


And a photograph of a more authentic American version appeared in the New York Tribune in 1903 (left):






Hermie the Elf

Rudolph the Reindeer’s dentist friend, Hermie the Elf (it seems), appeared without his cap in a Christmas ad for Gimbel’s department store in 1914 (lower left):


The Evening World (New York), November 23, 1914.

Compare: 





Santa Claus at the North Pole

In this age of satellite imagery and regularly scheduled transcontinental flights along the polar route, it is a well established fact that Santa Claus lives at the North Pole.  But when transportation and technology was more primitive and more limited, it was more difficult to pin him down to a precise location. 

In 1844 the signature line of a letter to the editor by Santa Claus himself suggested that he may have lived at Mont Blanc, Quebec.  But the letter was dated January 1, 1844, so perhaps he was just relaxing there after a busy Christmas before returning home to the Pole.  Surprisingly, the letter also reveals that he used to deliver gifts on Christmas and New Year’s Eve:

A Letter From Santa Claus.

My dear Young Friends;

Doubtless you will be surprised, as you glance over this paper, to discover a piece addressed to yourselves; and still greater will be your surprise when you see by whom it is written. . . .

On account of the extent over which I am obliged to travel, I have appointed two nights in which to perform this office,  - the eves of Christmas and New Year.  At these times the stockings are duly  hung up, ready to receive, with open mouths, anything which I may be pleased to deposite in them. . . .

And now, as I bid you adieu, I wish you a happy New Year, and that you may spend, not only this, but many more years, in peace and prosperity.

Ever Yours, Santa Claus.
Mt. Blanc, January 1st, 1844.[i]



A Christmas story published in 1853 suggested that Santa Claus’ home base was still not widely known:

Wherever Santa Claus lives, and in what ever spot of the Universe he harnesses his reindeer and loads up his sleigh, one thing is for certain – he never yet put anything in that sleigh for little Carl Krinken.[ii]


Even the crack investigative staff of the New York Times was stymied, referring merely to Santa's "mysterious home" (December 28, 1857).  And in 1860, the humorist Philander Doesticks wrote that he had heard, "Santy kept a toy-shop in the moon . . . ."Brooklyn Daily Eagle, December 27, 1860, page 2.  The truth would not be revealed until several years later.
 
Most sources date the earliest known reference to Santa Claus’ home base at the North Pole to Thomas Nast’s 1866 illustration, “Santa Claus and His Works”:[iii]

Harper’s Weekly (New York), Volume 10, Number 522, December 29, 1866, page 825.


A detail from just to the right of top-center reads:



SANTA – CLAUSSVILLE N. P.




Presumably the initials N. P. refer to the North Pole.  An illustrated book published three years later, and likewise entitled Santa Claus and His Works, expressly referred to his home as the “North Pole”.

But Thomas Nast and the editors of Harper’s Weekly were not the first people to be aware of Santa’s base of operations.  Young readers of Sophia May’s (real name Rebecca Sophia Clarke) popular Little Prudie Series of books knew where Santa lived as early as 1863, when Santa Claus, in May’s book Sister Susy revealed:

Yes, my dears . . . , here I am, as jolly as ever!  But bless your sweet little hearts, I’ve had a terrible time getting here! . . . I’ve been ducked up to the chin in some awful deep snowdrifts, up there by the North Pole!  This is the very first time the storms have come so heavy as to cover over the end of the North Pole!  But this year they had to dig three days before they could find it. O, ho![iv]



Sister Susy (1863)

Sister Susy (1863)


 It is not clear whether Sophie May invented the story from whole cloth or merely put into print something that had already been widely known or suspected.  But she was from Maine, so perhaps her proximity to the North Pole gave her access to some inside information.


The Real Santa Claus

Just in case there are still any doubters out there, here is an image of the real Santa Claus:

Minneapolis Journal, December 25, 1906, page 4.




So have a merry Christmas, Festivus or other appropriate holiday as desired, but please – be careful.  If you can’t wait for the real Santa Claus, and choose to dress up as Santa Claus yourself, dress appropriately – or use electric lights instead of traditional candles:

The Nebraska Advertiser(Nemaha City, Nebraska), December 22, 1905, page 6.

Portage Sentinel (Ravenna, Ohio), January 12, 1853, page 2.


Merry Christmas!!!


[i]Vermont Watchman and State Journal(Montpelier, Vermont), January 5, 1844.
[ii] Susan Warner, Carl Krinken: His Christmas Stocking, New York, G. P. Putnam, 1854, page 11. 
[iii]Harper’s Weekly (New York), Volume 10, Number 522, December 29, 1866, page 825.
[iv]Sophie May, Sister Susy (part of the Little Prudy Series), Boston, Lee, Shepard & Dillingham, 1863, page 28.

Fraternal Orders, Fraternities, Bed Sheets and Pillow Cases - Wrapping Up the History of the "Toga Party"

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In National Lampoon’s classic comedy Animal House(1978), the “animals” respond to Dean Wormer’s decision to put them on “Double Secret” probation by planning a decadent roman orgy or “toga party.” 

“They’re going to nail us whatever we do, so we might as well have a good time . . .


John Belushi’s (as John “Bluto” Blutarsky) primal toga chant ushered in a resurgence in American college fraternity “Toga parties.”  A toga party is a type of costume party in which attendees wrap themselves in bed sheets reminiscent of ancient Roman or Greek togas, in keeping with the nominal “Greek” theme of a typical American fraternity.  The toga party in Animal House is said to be derived from screenwriter Chris Miller’s experiences at Dartmouth University during the late-1950s and early ‘60s. 

A number of sources online point very specifically (and almost unbelievably) to the precise time and place of the first known college toga party – Mark Neuman’s home on Hillcrest Avenue in Flintridge, California in 1953, while he was attending nearby Pomona College.  Eleanor Roosevelt is said to have hosted a toga party in the White House to make light of the fact that many people likened her husband, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, to an American “Caesar.”[i]  

Image from the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library

But the toga party, under other names, is much  older even than Eleanor Roosevelt who was born in 1884.  Eleanor Roosevelt’s parents or grandparents could have attended a toga party (then generally known as a “sheet and pillow slip party”) in the 1870s.  The earliest known college fraternity toga party (if not by that name) was held at the Ohio State University (where else?) as early as 1886.

It all started, as these things often do, in California: 

Sheet and Pillow-Slip Parties.

They do things differently in California than in any other known spot on the face of the globe.  Henceforth the drolleries of leap year parties must “pale their ineffectual fires” before the last California social novelty called “sheet and pillow-slip parties.”

The San Francisco Call, of the 10th inst., describes glowingly the last one given there, under the auspices of Pensacola Lodge No. 333, Independent Order of Good Templars.  The ball-room is described as presenting the supposed appearance of the Ku-Klux in full regalia.  About one hundred persons were entirely enveloped in white sheets and pillow-slips arranged in every conceivable shape and style.  Some wore white dominoes, and others were dressed in a costume which led the blushing reporter to imagine that the ladies had taken their costumes from under the pillow rather than from over.

. . . For merriment and fun at the “sheet and pillow-slip” are said to exceed even the leap year parties now prevailing.  If the “new departure” should break out here which it may do (there is no telling how soon,) the important event will be duly chronicled.  There is something as suggestive as it is spicy about the “sheet and pillow-slip” party, and it may be the first step in the great reformation in dress tending towards increased simplicity and economy, now occupying the minds of thinking women, and husbands with large milliner bills to pay.

The Times-Picayune (New Orleans), March 22, 1872, page 4.

There are reports of “pillow slip parties” during every decade from 1870 through the 1960s.  The latest example I could find was a single reference to one held in 1970.   Most of the “pillow slip” parties in the 1900s were hosted by fraternal organizations (like the Order of Templars, Freemasons, Oddfellows, Sisters of Malta, and Easter Star, Order of Moose or the like), civic organizations (like the American Legion or the YWCA), or church groups.   I imagine these parties to have been more innocent that a late-20thcentury fraternity bash, but you never know.  Some of those societies were secret-societies and may have just kept those secrets well.

The notices for several early “pillow slip” parties played up the (relatively) titillating nature of the event:

“Pillow slip” parties are the latest sensation at Dalton, Ga.  They are very popular, and – immensely suggestive.

The Wilmington Morning Star (Wilmington, North Carolina), October 31, 1872, page 2.

Dressing up in loose, suggestive clothing presented a perfect opportunity for dancing – as it did for Delta House to the music Otis Day and the Knights in Animal House:

Grand Sheet and Pillow Slip Party

As well out of the world, as out of fashion.  Another rich treat is in store for all lovers of the terpsichorean art in this section, and the announcement will be received with pleasure that a grand sheet and pillow slip party is to be given under the management of the Terpsichorean Social Club, at Dyer’s Hall, New Year’s Eve., Dec. 31, 1874. . . .  The music will be all that can be desired, the calling will be good, and the floor in prime condition for dancing, and a fairer galaxy of ladies or a handsome set of men will probably never again assemble under a roof in Reno.

Nevada State Journal (Reno, Nevada), December 6, 1874, page 3.


Ghost Party. – A sheet and pillow slip party will be given at the Pavilion Skating Rink this evening in addition to the other attractions, and after the masquerading everybody will have an opportunity to dance.

Sacramento Daily Union, March 25, 1876, page 5.

In 1878, a steamboat en route to New Orleans from Cincinnati, Ohio treated its passengers to a dance party:

Thursday night the young folks on the boat indulged in a “phantom ball,” or, as Pilot Kenley characterized it, “a pillow-slip party.”  The performance had a decidedly ghostly look, but nobody seemed frightened, and for an hour or two the dance (and fun) ran “fast and furious.”

Gettysburg Compiler (Gettysburg, Pennsylvania), March 8, 1878, page 2.

At some point before or during 1886, the Terpsichore society of the Ohio State University (Terpsichore is the Greek muse of music and dance) put on what may be the earliest known college “toga party” (even if not by that name):

Genesis of the Terpsichore.

In the beginning, Uncle Sam created the Agricultural Experiment Station and the Ohio State University. . . .  And William said, “Let Terpsichore bring forth the Pillow-slip Party . . . ;” and it was so.

The Makio (Published Annually  by the Fraternities of the Ohio State University), Volume VI, 1886, Columbus, Ohio, Gazette Printing House, 1886, page 79.

In 1892, a pillow-slip “ghost party” caused a stir in Richmond Hill, Queens in New York City:

GAVE A GHOST PARTY.

Richmond Hill Excited Over a Grewsome Gathering.

It was a grewsome thing to do and no one knows exactly how the idea originated.  Although it occurred three weeks ago all Richmond Hill is still talking about it. . . .  In the vicinity of this quiet little village are several cemeteries.  Pine grove is one of the most beautiful and best kept, although not so long established as most of them.

A man named Leonard is in charge of it and he lives with his family in a cozy little house, near the main entrance.  In his household are two bright and vivacious young women . . . and they decided about a month ago to give a party to those who were not away for summer vacations. . . . 

Someone suggested that it be a ghost party. . . . The guests were all to come with sheets and pillow slips as their fancy dress.  Holes to look through and to permit the entrance of air to breathe were to be cut in the pillowslips.  The arrangements were similar to those for a masquerade ball.  But the crowning feature of the occasion was to be a parade of the guests attired in their ghostly garb through the cemetery at midnight. 

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, September 7, 1892, page 8.




On Saturday evening several friends of Mr. J. D. Wallace went out to his country residence and surprised him with a pillow-slip party.  In spite of mishaps, the gay group finally arrived, and first gave the astonished host a ghost dance on the porch and all over the front yard.  Each visitor was arrayed in a weird pillow-case, and wearing masks.  After the fears of Mr. Wallace had been allayed the crowd went inside and continued the ghastly proceedings, to the amusement of Mrs. Wallace, who had been a party to the deal.

The Wichita Daily Eagle (Wichita, Kansas), October 23, 1898, page 6.




“Toga Parties”

References to “toga parties,” by that name, appear regularly in college fraternity yearbooks during the 1950s, 1960s and into the early 1970s.  The earliest reference I could find is from Theta Delta Chi in 1952,[ii] a year before students at Pomona College held their first toga party.

The “toga party” was only one of many party themes used by 1950s fraternities.  During a typical November pledge-dance evening at Gettysburg College in 1959, for example, one might have attended a “Roman Toga party” at the Phi Gam house, Beatnik-themed parties at Tau Kappa Epsilon, Alpha Chi Rho or Kappa Delta Rho, a Beachcomber party at Sigma Chi, a “hobo” party at Phi Delta Theta, a German party at Sigma Nu, a days of chivalry “When Knighthood Was in Flower” party at Sigma Alpha Epsilon, a Bohemian attire party at the ATO house, a gangster party at Theta Chi, or a totally theme-free party at Phi Sig (although they were giving away brandy snifters). [iii]

Animal House did not invent the “toga party,” but it did turn them into a permanent and popular fixture in American pop-culture.  College fraternity members of the 1950s did not invent “toga parties” either, although they may have raised them to a higher art form than the civic, church or fraternal order “pillow-slip” parties practiced by generations of their parents, grandparents and even great-grandparents.




[i]Harry Mount, Carpe Diem: Put a Little Latin in Your Life, New York, Hyperion Books, page 80.
[ii]The Shield (Theta Delta Chi), Volume 69, Number 2, page 63.
[iii]The Weekly Gettysburgian, November 20, 1959, pages 1 and 8.

Grandstands, Armchairs and Drugstores - Second-Guessing the History and Origin of "Monday Morning Quarterback"

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Harvard's All-American QB Barry Wood, who introduced the world to the idiom "Monday morning quarterback".
 
A “Monday morning quarterback” is “one who criticizes or passes judgment from a position of hindsight.”[i]  Or, as Frank Sinatra more poetically put it, in replaying the events leading up to a painful break up:

[I]t's so easy looking at the game the morning after
   Adding up the kisses and the laughter
Knowing how you'd play it if the chance to play it over ever came
   But then, a Monday morning quarterback never lost a game


In the United States, the National Football League (NFL) generally plays its games on a Sunday, so it is not particularly surprising that these hindsight quarterbacks would discuss the game on Monday.  What is more surprising, however, is that the idiom first came into widespread use with respect to college football games played on Saturdays.  Monday, it seems, was the day when people went back to work and picked apart the game with their friends.

In an earlier post, I traced the origin of “Monday Morning Quarterback” to a widely reported speech by Harvard quarterback Barry Wood to delegates of the 46thannual meeting of the New England Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools on December 4, 1931.  In the face of criticism of the evils inherent in the overemphasis on football in schools and colleges, Woods deflected blame from the game and its players, placing it with the “Monday morning quarterbacks” in the stands.  The expression was certainly in use within the narrow subculture of Ivy League and other major football powerhouses before the speech, but it quickly took hold among sportswriters across the country after Woods’ comments appeared in print.  The idiom was later used in an Army officers’ training manual and was frequently used in accounts of military action during World War II.

(See The History and Origin of “Monday Morning Quarterback”– it’s worth a look, if only to see a photo of General Patton wearing a football helmet with his Army uniform)

The earlier post is accurate, as far as it goes, but it missed the forest for the tree.  “Monday morning quarterback” was only one, albeit the most popular one, of more than a dozen alternate hindsight quarterbacking idioms, and it wasn’t the first.  “Grandstand quarterbacks” sat in judgment from as early as 1927.  And many people did, in fact, get together to kvetch about the game on Sundays– and there was a name for that – “Sunday Morning Quarterbacks.”


Sunday Morning Quarterback

The earliest example of the expression “Sunday Morning Quarterback” in print I found is from 1927.  It appeared, appropriately enough, in a syndicated column written by the archetype of the America football coach – Knute Rockne.  Unlike other critics of football’s hindsight critics, Rockne respected the Sunday morning quarterbacks, even if he took their advice with a grain of salt:


It has been my experience, however, that no college quarterback has ever been able to compete with the Sunday morning quarterback.  This latter species is always correct.  He insists on the right of playing Saturday’s stock market on Sunday, whereas the poor little quarterback has to play it on Saturday.  However, I wouldn’t be without the Sunday morning tactician for the world as they are always interesting, they add color and they are the barometer of interest.

The Sunday morning soothsayers are never harmful as long as they kept within bounds but none of them will ever make the All American.

The Des Moines Register (Des Moines, Iowa), September 28, 1928, page 16.

A few days later, a writer in Indiana (where Rockne coached Notre Dame University’s football team) used the expression:

A Corner in Pigskin, by W. F. Fox Jr. 

Various coaches, successful and otherwise, throughout this country have refreshing names for the gents and ladies who devote half of Sunday morning and all of Sunday afternoon to the business of verbally firing a coach.  Some coaches call them “Sunday morning quarterbacks”; others call them “boards of tragedy,” and still others resort to the more or less trite appellation “second guessers.”

The Indianapolis News (Indianapolis, Indiana), October 31, 1928, page 26.

The expression “Sunday morning quarterback” appeared in print occasionally before 1932, but does not appear to have been as popular as “Monday morning quarterback” became soon after appearing in print in late-1931.   Perhaps it was the alliteration; perhaps it was because more people did, in fact, discuss the games on Mondays.  The widespread use of the expression, “Monday morning quarterback,” may even have paved the way for the various other hindsight idioms, many of which first appeared within a year or to following its debut. 

The proliferation of second-guessing idioms may also have been spurred by technological advances that made it easier for more fans to enjoy and second-guess games.  The All-American quarterback Barry Wood, who was Phi Beta Kappa at Harvard, suggested as much in the same speech in which he introduced the world to the expression “Monday morning quarterback”:

In brief, Wood said the growth in public interest was due chiefly to increased means of transportation and the radio; that the press in printing what critics called “football ballyhoo” was only meeting the readers’ demands; that football coaches who strive for winning teams are forced to by the alumni and the spectators; that a football player who gets a false idea of his own importance, as critics charge, quickly realized he is “just one of the mob” when he gets into the football world.  The answer to over-emphasis was to be found not on the field but in the stands where sit what Wood called “the Monday morning quarterbacks.”

Wilkes-Barre Record (Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, December 5, 1931, page 28.

With “Monday morning” and “Sunday morning” quarterbacks making the rounds, “day-after quarterbacks” might be the next logical step.  However, I could find only a single, one-off example of the expression in print in 1939, illustrating once again that pop-culture and linguistic fashions are not entirely logical.


Santa Cruz Evening News (Santa Cruz, California), October 5, 1939, page 4.

But despite many coaches’ misgivings about so-called “Sunday morning” or “Monday morning” quarterbacks, Knute Rockne always knew where his bread was buttered and even his obituary noted his good relationship with the fans, as noted in an item published the day after his untimely death in a plane crash on March 31, 1931:

He knew his boys, he knew the thousands of “Sunday morning quarterbacks;” he knew the fair-weather friends who travel with only winners and he knew the loyal type who stick when the road is rocky.

All that acclaim that he won never changed him.  He hated the “high hat” just as thoroly [sic] as he did the “drug store cowboy.”  He never wore it.

Lincoln Evening Journal (Lincoln, Nebraska), April 1, 1931, page 19.

Coincidentally, the final lines of this brief tribute hint at another pre-“Monday morning” quarterback idiom.



Drugstore Quarterback (and cigar store)

In November of 1931, two weeks before Barry Wood introduced “Monday morning quarterback” to the masses, little Hobart College of Geneva, New York was on the verge of breaking a 27 game losing streak.  It was an away game at the home of their ancient rival, the University of Rochester, and their fans behaved poorly (at least as reported by the Rochester press):

Hobart supporters in the left end of the stand were in ecstasy.  The drugstore quarterbacks from Geneva, who wore Hobart colors and little purple footballs on their coat lapels, were being just as scurrilous and low-lived and loud-mouthed as drugstore quarterbacks, under such circumstances, could be expected to be.  College city “townies” have been ever thus.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), November 22, 1931, page 13.

“Drugstore quarterback” appears to be a riff on (or echo of) an earlier, more widely used idiom, “drugstore cowboy.”  A “drugstore cowboy” seems to have been a dandified version of what became known as the “Urban Cowboy” in the 1980s; a ladies’ man who hangs out at drugstore soda fountains affecting the suave, debonair air of a silent film matinee cowboy:

Logansport Pharos-Tribune (Logansport, Indiana), February 29, 1924, page 5.


The “Drug Store Cowboy is the latest classification given local “faddish” young men.

Beside “Jelly-bean” and “Cakeeater” “Drugstore-cowboy” will go down in the book the ever changing younger generation.

The dress of the “Drugstore Cowboy” is distinctive as is that of the “Jelly-bean” and “Cake-eater.”

The biggest and fussiest cowpuncher John E. available, classy boots, and in some instances the real thing – high heeled rough leather boots, a classy wool shirt of the right shade of blue or gray, and a neck scarf with lots of cow boy lingo compose the apparel distinctive of the “drugstore Cowboy.”       

Winfield Daily Free Press (Winfield, Kansas), November 1, 1922, page 2.


The evils of the “Drugstore Cowboy” were well documented (or at least sensationalized):

Pittsburgh Daily Post (Pennsylvania), October 18, 1923, page 7.
Decatur Herald (Decatur, Illinois), July 9, 1923, page 2.


Although “drugstore quarterbacks” may have been less dangerous to the public welfare, they were still up to no good – or at least up to pointing out the faults of their no-good favorite football team:

Football coaches call them the drug store quarterbacks.

Anyway after any game there are several scores of people who can tell you the faults of both teams.  They can tell you why a certain team lost and why a certain team won.  In very few cases does the other team win because it was just good enough to win anyway, but usually because there was a certain break or a certain negligence of which the winner took advantage.

A drugstore quarterback can play one of the best retrospective games in the world.  He can’t lose, for he is looking back over the game that has been played, knowing what the other team has done.

The Anniston Star (Anniston, Alabama), June 1, 1936, page 8.

If someone could hang out at the soda fountain talking sports, wouldn’t “soda fountain quarterback” make just as much sense?

And it did:


Clarion-Ledger (Jackson, Mississippi), October 24, 1932, page 7.

The early popularity and longevity of the expression “drugstore cowboy” (which is still in occasional use today) may help explain how “drugstore quarterback” survived for so many years.  It was still in regular (if not frequent) use during the 1950s and it appeared in print as recently as the 1990s.

The expressions “drugstore” and “soda fountain” quarterbacks debuted during Prohibition, when alcohol could not be sold openly.  Since Prohibition ended in 1933 there have been a few, scattered or one-off expressions that reflect the change; “beer parlor” and “beer garden” quarterbacks (just once, in the same article in 1934), “tavern quarterback” (just twice, in 1955 and 1972) and “bar room quarterback” (twice, in 1972 and 1975):

“Soda fountain quarterback” and several other alternate, second-guessing quarterback idioms debuted within a few years after “Monday morning quarterback” became widely known.  And while “Sunday morning” and “drugstore” predate “Monday morning” with respect to quarterbacks, they are not the earliest known such idiom.


Grandstand Quarterback (and Bleacher and spectator)

In October 1927, one year before “Sunday morning quarterback” first appears in print, Joe Williams, the Sporting Editor of the New York Evening Telegram writing in his syndicated column, As Joe Williams Sees It, seems to credit Percy Haughton, who coached Harvard from 1908 to 1916 and Columbia from 1923 to 1924, with expression “Grandstand quarterback”:

Haughton made the observation that the stands surrounding the football fields held several hundred times as many quarterbacks as ever got into uniform.  He never missed an opportunity to put the grandstand quarterbacks on the griddle.  He wrote a book on the game and devoted considerable space to the subject.  The grandstand quarterbacks, Haughton pointed out, fail to realize the quarterback is a mere boy who has probably not reached voting age, and that under the eligibility rules in force he could not have piloted a major football team for more than two years, and probably not that long.

“As Joe Williams Sees It,” Pittsburgh Press (Pennsylvania), October 17, 1927.

But although Haughton’s book, Football and How to Watch It (1922), addresses the subject, he did not refer to the second-guessing fan as a “grandstand quarterback,” he called them “Mr. Know-it-all.”  It seems likely, then, that Williams was using a term that was already in use in 1927 but which may have been coined sometime after 1922.   

And people in the grandstand were not the only ones who were critical of their team’s performance.  If you could only afford a cheap seat in the bleachers, you might be a “bleacher quarterback,” which first appeared in print in 1932:

All the passes evolve from spinners, reverses, multiple spinners, end arounds, or some deceptive play.  A [UC Santa Clara] Bronco never takes the ball from the center and just fades back so that even the bleacher quarterbacks in tier 42 can see it coming.

Oakland Tribune (California), November 18, 1932, page 27.

The early second-guessing quarterback idioms all presuppose seeing the game in person (grandstand or bleacher) or complaining about it after the fact (Sunday or Monday), perhaps at a drugstore soda fountain.  But advances in technology gave rise to new opportunities.  Radio and television made it possible for fans to enjoy the game at home, in their own parlor or living room, from the comfort of their favorite armchair or easy chair.


Armchair Quarterback

Time Magazine, Volume 20, Number 24, December 12, 1932, page 44.

But while listening at home has its comforts and benefits, you had to rely on the play-by-play announcer to fill in all of the details – and that wasn’t always pretty.  Instead of second-guessing the game, a disgruntled "Armchair quarterback" might second-guess the announcer:


Now that Rt. Hon. R. B. Bennett, Hon. James G. Gardiner and Premier Bracken of Manitoba, have all joined in the paens of praise for the Winnipeg Blue Bombers it might not be remiss for a Saturday afternoon radio quarterbackto make some observations.

To begin with I didn’t see the game.  I sat in a comfortable overstuffed chair at home, and while the radiators hummed with heat I heard of the frozen ground at Lansdowne Park; how men, women and children sat huddled in fur coats, parkas, mackinaws, rugs and buffalo robes, while a “cross” wind blew in their faces.

I sipped tea while the Blue Bombers gave the coup de grace to the Rough Riders.  It was a typical football broadcast with all the old school tie traditions of sportsmanship. . . .

We started off with the lineups of both teams but the announcers didn’t bother much with the substitutions.  Poor Tony Golab must have been on for a few minutes because we suddenly heard he made a nice gain.  Then “Tony” became the forgotten man.  We wondered about his ankle, too.

Minor Mystery.

Once in a while our jittery announcer made life really interesting.  Ottawa had intercepted a Winnipeg forward just before half-time, but the Blue Bombers came right back with the ball.  It was one of life’s little mysteries, so we threw a few lumps of sugar in the tea.

The Ottawa Journal (Ontario, Canada), December 12, 1939, page 16.

Luckily, play-by-play announcing has advanced to a higher art form, so it’s unlikely that you will have the same difficulties today (although I seem to remember the local announcer bungling a few high school and local college games when I was in school a few decades later).


Easy Chair Quarterback

Decatur Daily Review (Decatur, Illinois), September 28, 1934, page 14.

Daily Plainsman (Huron, South Dakota), October 20, 1936, page 9.



Radio Quarterback

Next Saturday is the blank space on plenty of college eleven schedules as the teams rest up for strenuous Thanksgiving day games.  But the radio quarterback can still turn his dial to a goodly number of not-so-bad tilts.

Statesman Journal (Salem, Oregon), November 18, 1934, page 9.

Statesman Journal (Salem, Oregon), October 15, 1939, page 1.



Parlor Quarterback

Another of [Bo] McMillin’s stock phrases used in admonishing the parlor quarterbacks is “Say son, I’ll bet you were nine years old before they’d let you go bye-bye.”

The Advocate-Messenger (Danville, Kentucky), December 12, 1936, page 3.

Arizona Daily Star (Tucson), November 12, 1942, page 3.



Television Quarterback

Chicago Daily Tribune (Illinois), September 14, 1952, page 212.

As radio gave way to television, the “radio quarterback” gave way to the “television (or TV) quarterback,” further complicating the life of football coaches under pressure from an ever increasing number of hindsight “quarterbacks”:

Sol Kampf, assistant football coach at the University of North Dakota, was asked by a New Yorker whether fans saw the Dakotans games on television . . . “We don’t have television in North Dakota,” replied Kampf . . . “You’re lucky,” commented the New Yorker.  “At home we not only have grandstand and Monday morning quarterbacks, but now we have television quarterbacks . . . .”

Pampa Daily News (Pampa, Texas), September 21, 1949, page 7.



Living Room Quarterback

As some combination of home design, marketing and linguistic fashion transformed the Victorian “parlor” to the mid-century modern “living room,” second-guessing quarterback idioms followed suit, as evidenced by this discussion of the changing economics of football:

Blackout Saturday

The ridiculous thing about a “blackout Saturday” was the blacking out of a city which had no actual game.  It happened one Saturday in New York when neither Columbia, NYU nor Fordham had a home game.  This was one Saturday when the NCAA couldn’t find TV’s so-called impact on football attendance.

Whether TV helps or hurts the college gate is not important to the guy who watches the game from his parlor easy chair.  The fact remains that there are more living room quarterbacks than there are grandstand quarterbacks.  The NCAA should take these fellows into consideration.

Fairbanks Daily News-Miner (Fairbanks, Alaska), January 5, 1952, page 4.



Relative Frequency of Use

“Monday morning quarterback” is, and has been, far and away the most common hindsight quarterbacking idiom since it first appeared in print in late-1931.  To get a sense of the relative frequency of use of the various hindsight idioms and how that changed over time, I recorded the approximate number of newspaper archive search-hits for each of several such idioms during the period from 1925 to 1945 and from 1950 to 1959.











A Pictorial History of Santa Claus

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Santa Claus, as we know him, seems to be an American invention (based on various Dutch and German Christmas traditions) which dates to at least 1810, and perhaps earlier.

An image of Santa Claus published by the New York Historical Society in 1810 shows him as the traditional, European St. Nicholas. Within ten years, he was portrayed on rooftops with reindeer and a sleigh. 

This short video, a Pictorial History of Santa Claus (in two minutes or less) shows several rare, early images of Santa Claus which illustrate how several of the most recognizable features of Santa Claus took root very early, although representations of Santa continued to vary dramatically for several decades.

Santa Claus also proves himself to be above politics - appearing with Union Troops in 1863 and with General Robert E. Lee in a post-war children's book, General Lee and Santa Claus.

Link: A Pictorial History of Santa Claus(in two minutes or less)

(Look for my more detailed history of Santa Claus appearing soon)

Iowa Farmers, Wooden Shoes and French Silk Weavers - a Laborious History and Etymology of Monkey-Wrench Sabotage

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Iowa Farmers, Wooden Shoes, and French Silk Weavers – a Laborious History and Etymology of
Monkey-Wrench Sabotage

The Buffalo Commercial(Buffalo, New York), October 5, 1896, page 7.


A Monkey Wrench can be alternatively helpful or disruptive:

Monkey Wrench (Merriam Webster's Online)

1: a wrench with one fixed and one adjustable jaw at right angles to a straight handle

2: something that disrupts – threw a monkey wrench into the peace negotiations.

  
The origin of the first sense of the word is uncertain.  It dates to at least 1829 and the word monkey may refer to the motion of the movable jaw up and down the shaft – like a monkey on a tree.  For a comprehensive review of the early history of the tool and its name, see my earlier piece, Charles Monk, Monkey Wrenches and a “Monkey on a Stick” – a Gripping History and Etymology of “Monkey Wrench”. 

And sorry Charlie, the boxer Jack Johnson did not invent the “monkey wrench” and the name is not a racist slur (“fake news” accounts to the contrary notwithstanding). 

The origin of the second sense of the word, on the other hand, can be traced to a particular person at a particular time.  Surprisingly, perhaps, the expression did not emerge from industrial sabotage of the early-twentieth century, despite the fact that one online word origin site traces the origin of the expression to 1907,[i]which is coincidentally the same year in which the word sabotage entered the English language.   The expression can be traced to the Republican candidate for Governor of Iowa in 1897.  Coincidentally, and perhaps appropriately, 1897 is the same year in which the word sabotage (in this sense of the word) was first recorded in French.

The French word sabotage has long been said to be derived from silk weavers in Lyon, France who purportedly threw their sabots (wooden shoes or wooden-soled shoes) into their looms to damage the machinery.  Although the French silk industry experienced a series of violent revolts in the  1830s and ‘40s, the shoe story may refer to more recent history, the Lyon silk weavers’ strikes of 1894 that followed shortly after an Italian anarchist murdered the President of France in Lyon, arguably sparking the modern French labor movement.  But the story, while good, may not be true in any case.   


Iowa Farmers – 
A Monkey Wrench in the Threshing Machine

In 1982, the sitting Republican Governor of Iowa, Robert Ray, announced that he would not seek another term.  A few weeks later, his Republican Lieutenant Governor, Terry Branstad, announced his candidacy for the office.  Branstad addressed the Iowa voters in folksy, plain-spoken language:

The big thing hanging over our head is the economy.  It could really put a monkey wrench in things if it went to hell in a handbasket.

The Des Moines Register, March 14, 1982, page 15.

In 1897, the sitting Republican Governor of Iowa, Francis Drake, announced that he would not seek another term.  In his stead, Leslie M. Shaw took the Republican banner and won the election.  Shortly after election day, a newspaper recorded some of the rhetoric that helped him win the hearts of the voters – the expression was “worthy of Lincoln” – it is the earliest known appearance of the “throw a monkey wrench” idiom in print:

Hon. L. M. Shaw, the Vermont boy who has just been elected governor of Iowa, used an illustration worthy of Lincoln in addressing the voters.  He asked them if they meant to go to the polls and deliberately drop a monkey wrench into the threshing machinejust as we are starting at a new setting.  They could see the point easily enough.

Herald and News (West Randolph, Vermont), November 18, 1897, page 2.

Leslie M. Shaw


Shaw was a first-time politician who grew up in Vermont before attending Cornell College in Iowa.  After law school, he moved to Denison, Iowa where he started a thriving law practice.[ii]  But when his clients experienced difficulty in obtaining loans to expand their business, he went into banking and mined his East Coast connections for an infusion of capital that helped the region thrive.[iii] 

Shaw gained statewide notoriety during the 1896 Presidential campaign as a vocal and persuasive critic of the Democratic Party’s “free silver” policy.  “Mr. Shaw’s opportunity came when he was asked to reply to an address delivered by [Democratic candidate for President] William J. Bryan.  His grasp of the whole financial subject, his resistless arguments, and his convincing manner of presenting them caused him to be in great demand for public addresses all over the state.”[iv]

Shaw’s “convincing manner” of speech was on display the following year during his successful campaign for Governor when he uttered the first known appearance of a new idiom in print.  The expression appears to have quickly caught on in Iowa.  The second oldest example of the idiom I could find in print is also from Iowa:

Some wicked democrat must have dropped a monkey wrench or other entangling implement into the Republican editorial machine on Saturday.  All its wheels, cranks, cams and gears went off in a splutter of grammar and rhetoric as confused as a broken down printing machine. 

Iowa City Press-Citizen, October 9, 1899, page 4.

Governor Shaw was still using the expression in 1900, and newspaper writers still found it novel enough to record in minute detail:

Governor Shaw of Iowa, at a recent gathering of farmers in that state painted the following vivid picture of prosperity:

“You get up early these fall mornings: fog and mist and drizzle hang over everything; it is cold, belts slip, shocks are damp, men are cross, the engine don’t steam, it seems as if you would never get started.  Presently the sun rises, the mist vanishes, things warm up, the men are cheerful, the horses prick up their ears, the machine hums, the golden grain fairly boils into the measure, the men on the stack begin a song, and a good day’s work is in prospect, when just then some fool drops a monkey wrench into the cylinder!  My friends, prosperity has just begun to work nicely; don’t for mercy’s sake throw a monkey wrench into the thrashing machine.”

Norfolk Weekly News(Norfolk, NE), October 25, 1900, page 4.

In January 1902, President Theodore Roosevelt tapped Shaw and his banking expertise to serve as Secretary of the Treasury.  An article in The Saturday Review introduced Shaw and his pet expression to a national audience:

Friends of the newly appointed Secretary say that he has many Lincoln-like qualities, not the least of which is his ability to weave homespun illustrations and metaphors into his public addresses. 

Mr. George E. Roberts, Director of the Mint, who, at the time of Mr. Shaw’s emergence into prominence, years ago, was a newspaper editor in Iowa, delights to recall these speeches, which, as is generally conceded, had much to do with effecting the general triumph of the “sound money” movement. . . . .

“The one saying of his that most effectively checked the efforts of the silver leaders occurred in a speech in which he had been dwelling upon Iowa’s growth into prosperity, and on how, in his opinion, that prosperity would be ruined by a disturbance of the monetary standard.

“’You have plowed and planted,’ he said to the farmers, ‘and you are about to see your years of effort crowned with abundant success.  And now, as you are about to reap your harvest, I plead with you as good and patriotic citizens, and as sensible farmers, not to drop a monkey-wrench into the threshing-machine!

“The effect of this,” added Mr. Roberts, “was instantaneous.  Every wheat grower in his audience had experienced the exasperating delay and expense caused by a wrench or hammer or other implement falling into the grain separator, and the expression, ‘Don’t drop a monkey-wrench into the threshing machine,’ became a shibboleth of the campaign throughout Iowa.

“And when the next year the people came to choose a Governor, Shaw was the man selected, although he had never before held office of any character.”

“Good Stories of Secretary Shaw,” Saturday Evening Post, January 18, 1902, page 15.

Years later, his hometown newspaper in Denison, Iowa credited him with coining what had by then become widely known expression:

Very many will remember Gov. Shaw’s old story about the advisability of throwing a monkey wrench into the threshing machine.  The defeat of the state ticket would well nigh wrench republicanism and all the good that would be accomplished would be the venting of a little petty spite.[v][1910]

To use the well-known illustration originated by Governor Shaw, if ever a man was deliberately planning to “throw a monkey wrench in the cylinder,” that man is Third Term Teddy.[vi][1912]

I could not find any examples of the expression in print before the article in The Saturday Review that did not refer to Shaw or were not from Iowa, and the expression appeared regularly in print beginning in 1902, and in several instances specifically gave credit to Shaw. 

The political origin of the expression is reflected by the fact that it was generally used almost exclusively in reference to political campaigns or policy debates during its early years.  But the type of machine the increasingly proverbial “monkey wrench” was thrown  In addition to threshing machines, monkey wrenches were thrown expanded beyond threshing machines to include cylinders, cog-wheels,  machinery and works:

Now that the third district organization has named its candidate for congress, will it support the state ticket?  If not, would it have any kick coming if some naughty Van Sant man should “throw a monkey wrench in the cylinder?”

The Minneapolis Journal, September 19, 1902, page 4.


The Republicans had the votes, they knew it, and they did not propose to let Percy throw a monkey-wrench into the cog-wheels.

Herald and News (West Randolph, Vermont), October 9, 1902, page 2.


Mr. Sherrick said he did not believe the people of Indiana, of their own volition, will put a rublock [(rub-lock; a wagon wheel brake)] on the wheel of progress.  In the words of Secretary Shaw, “Will they deliberately throw a monkey wrench in the cylinder wheel?

The Indianapolis Journal (Indiana), November 1, 1902, page 6.


Collier’s Weekly continues to throw monkey wrenches in Charles Warren Fairbanks’ campaign machinery.

The Lake County Times (Hammond, Indiana), July 10, 1907, page 4.




[T]hus spake Candidate Warren G. Harding at Clarksburg: “I want all kinds of Republicans to get under the banner this year.  I want the Taft Republicans, Roosevelt Republicans, Dick Republicans, Foraker Republicans, Garfield Republicans, Burton Republicans and Cox Republicans.  There are going to be no monkey wrenches thrown into the machine by anybody.”  Senator Dick will be there.  He will throw no monkey wrenches – not even at himself – at the machine that paved the way for Mr. Harding’s enunciation of perfect stand-pat principles. 

The Democratic Banner (Mt. Vernon, Ohio), October 14, 1910, page 6.

As late as 1921, one writer still considered the expression to be primarily associated with politics:

The judgment of astute politicians is that the American people, as a whole, are so universally hopeful of a favorable outcome of the [arms] conference, that they will not look with tolerance on anything in the nature of what politicians call “throwing a monkey wrench into the works.”

The Washington Times(DC), September 11, 1921, page 2.

But while it may have been closely associated with politics, the expression had long been used in other fields:

But at the opening of the present season someone threw a monkey wrench into the works and the old machine buckled up.  In other words, the members of the team allowed spite and jealousies to creep in and the smooth running harmony, essential to a pennant race, was gone.

The Salt Lake Tribune, August 17, 1913, Sporting Section, page 4.


The only possible way in which these hotels [in Yellowstone Park] can make money – or in which they can possibly keep open – is by a highly specialized system of scheduled transportation.  The machine has to advance so many tourists so many miles each day or there is a monkey wrench in the works.

The Saturday Evening Post, Volume 187, Number 49, page 57.




Pre-Shaw / Free-Silver Monkey Wrench

I mentioned earlier that I could not find any pre-Shaw examples of the expression in print.  But Bill Mullin of the American Dialect Society Discussion List found one from 1892.  Interestingly, it appeared in a story that refers to an Iowa politician and the “free silver” debate.

In the summer of 1892, the United States Congress wrestled with the pro-free silver “Stewart Bill,” which had been introduced in the Senate by William Morris Stewart, a pro-silver “Silver Republican” from Nevada.  Richard Bland, a pro-silver Democratic congressman from Missouri, introduced an amendment to the bill.  Some members criticized the move as an unnecessary impediment to moving the bill through Congress:



Bland’s action in insisting upon amending the Stewart bill has been severely criticized.  He is charged with occupying the position of the man who threw a monkey-wrench into a threshing machine because he was not allowed to feed it.  The trouble with Bland seems to be that it is Stewart’s bill and not his.  He wants all the fame, even if he jeopardizes the cause in which he proposes to lead.

San Francisco Chronicle, July 6, 1892, page 3.

One of the few Congressmen prominently mentioned in the article was pro-free silver Democratic Congressman from Iowa, Walter Butler.  He was quoted in the article as being critical of the delay, so it is possible that he could have been the one who “charged” Bland with throwing the monkey wrench. 

But despite all of the hand wringing, the bill went down in flames one week later. 

Pittsburgh Dispatch, July 14, 1892, page 1.



But the expression lives on.

Dangerous Monkey Wrenches

Monkey wrenches were (perhaps still are) more than just proverbially dangerous – they were actually dangerous.  Interestingly, one of the earliest accounts of a monkey-wrench-related industrial accident I could find happened in Cedar Rapids, Iowa and was reported in a Des Moines newspaper.  Future Governor Leslie M. Shaw may well have read this story before coining of his now-famous expression:

Winfield Wickham, foreman in the box making department of a Cedar Rapids creamery and dairy supply house, met with a fearful accident.  While at work he dropped a wrench on a moving pulleywhich was revolving at the rate of 2,500 times a minute.  The high speed broke the wrench, and the pieces flew in different directions, the large, heavy end striking Wickham  in the face.  His nose was crushed flat, and a deep cut was made in the right cheek just below the eye.

Iowa State Bystander (Des Moines, Iowa), June 22, 1894, page 2.



Poor Mr. Wickham’s incident was not the first – and would not be the last such incident.  As early as 1880, leaving a monkey wrench inside of a steam cylinder was representative of mistakes made by blundering mechanics:

He will leave a monkey wrench inside of a steam cylinder when he puts the head on, but he won’t leave any small stuff in there.  He will do one of these outrageous things two or three times a year, and one of these blunders never teaches him to guard against the next.

James W. See, Extracts from Chordal’s Letters, New York, American Machinist Publishing Company, 1880, page 231.




Threshers were also at risk:
 
You may stick a bundle of wheat into a good thresher and it will go through with a zip and come out wheat in the sack and straw on the rick.  It was intelligently calculated and constructed to do that.  But drop a big monkey-wrench in it, and it goes through with a rip, the machine is broken, the monkey-wrench comes out scrap iron, and, if you don’t mind, somebody gets killed.

Blue-grass Blade (Lexington, Kentucky), November 21, 1891, page 4.
 

The sound of a monkey wrench in the cylinder of a threshing machine was so familiar by 1894 that one paper used the sound figuratively to describe the sound of lightning transmitted over telephone lines:

Early this morning there was a thunder shower in the mountains east of this city about thirty miles, during which the heavens were rent by electrical currents.  So strong were they that they were carried over the telephone wires to this city and in the central office made such quick, sharp, rattling sounds that the young lady operator had to abandon the switchboard for a short time.  The sound was very much like that made by the throwing of a monkey-wrench into the cylinders of a threshing-machine when in full operation.

The Los Angeles Times, August 26, 1894, page 11.

In an 1897 satirical piece about fraud, waste, abuse and incompetency in the United States Navy, “Bill Barnacle” related the story of the steamship Ranger which he said cut short her Aleutian cruise because of a monkey wrench left in the main cylinder of the ship’s steam engine:

She gets under way and is 17 days making Port Townshend, Wash.  All this time her vitals is thumping fearful day and night.  Nobody can sleep, and the engineers roasts their blooming ears listening at hot steam chests and iron bulkheads to locate this here pounding.  Just as she crawls into port the Ranger breaks down.  They over hauls the engines and finds a eight pound monkey wrench in the main cylinder, left there by the brainy bosses at Mare island. . . . – Charles Dryden in New York Journal.

The Topeka State Journal, March 3, 1897, page 6.

The funny thing is, the story may have been true.[xiii] 

Many other people and machines were harmed by monkey wrenches over the years.


The Paducah Sun (Paducah, Kentucky), February 13, 1903, page 7.


It is essential to use a great deal of care in working the knife on the stave machine – especially instructing the machinist not to drop his wrench in the machine, but to keep it in the tool box, where it belongs when not in use, as a wrench won’t work well on the edge of a good knife . . . .

Barrel and Box Magazine (Chicago), Volume 14, Number 3, May 1909, page 34.



An old fashioned hand engine constitutes the village equipment, and that was put out of commission at the start by one of the firemen dropping a wrench into the valve.

New York Tribune, January 29, 1906, page 3.

Link Wilson had an accident Sunday.  He was trying to tighten the brake bands in his Ford when he dropped the wrench in his engine.  Consequently he was forced to walk to town.

Pullman Herald (Pullman, WA), April 22, 1921, page 3.

And of course, a monkey wrench might be used intentionally by a union saboteur (allegedly).


Monkey-Wrench Sabotage!

The Gospel of Sabotage

. . . Sabotage has been politely described by some of the militant socialists as “withdrawing efficiency” on the part of the worker.  In plainer language it means spoiling the work you are paid to do, throwing a monkey wrench in the boss’s machine, ruining his business while pretending to build it up, and slipping a few sticks of dynamite under his office, or under his front porch, where his children play.

The Open Shop Review (Chicago), July 1913, page 29.

The throwing of a monkey-wrench into a piece of running machinery, the weaving of rotten threads into fabrics, the poisoning of wells and the like are things this country, including intelligent organized labor will not stand for.

The Day Book (Chicago), December 10, 1913, page 27.

SABOTAGE

‘Tis sweet to waken in the morn
With nature turning green
And throw a great big monkey wrench
In Townley’s own machine.

The Nonpartisan Leader (Fargo, ND), April 20, 1916, page 12.


“It’s about time for the hamstringers who are lurking in the grass, and the sabotagists who are trying to throw monkey wrenches into the war machineryto shut up or look for unpleasant consequences,” declares the Chicago Herald.

The Seattle Star, June 12, 1917, page 6.


That is why, the propaganda points out, that sabotage, both the European method of throwing monkey wrenches in the machinery and even destroying a plant or the “gentler sabotage” of “doping the soup” – poisoning – does not appear to an I. W. W. as a moral wrong.

South Bend News-Times (South Bend, Indiana), July 22, 1917, page 4.


Wooden Shoes

The expression and the actual act of throwing monkey wrenches were so closely associated with labor unrest during the 1910s that some people assumed the word “Sabotage” was French for “throwing a monkey wrench.”  Victor Luitpold Berger, a founding member of the Socialist Party of America, described the misconception during his trial for violation of the Espionage Act:

Some will say the word “sabotage” means throwing a monkey wrench, if you could translate it.[vii]

Victor Luitpold, on the other hand, believed that the true origin of sabotage in French was a reference to workers who threw shoes – not wrenches – into the machinery:

The word “sabot” means a wooden shoe.  The French trade-unionists, originally being dissatisfied with new machinery that was introduced, tried to stop it, and in trying to stop it they would throw their wooden shoe (their sabot) into the machinery, and destroying things, then, in hindering the machinery, which they called “sabotage.”[viii]

Sabot Shop of a Sabotier, Mende, Lozere France, 1902.


La France, Volume 2, Number 2, February 1902, page 120.

If Luitpold was mistaken about the origin of sabotage, he was not alone.  The wooden-shoe-in-the-machinery story is as old as the word sabotage in the English language.  Harvard historian David H. Montgomery included the story in his 1903 edition of The Leading Facts of French History (Boston, Ginn & Company, 1903), which may also be the earliest example of the word in print anywhere in English.[ix]  But Montgomery did not associate wooden-shoe throwing to French workers, generally, he associated it specifically with silk weavers whose strike in 1894 helped usher in the modern French labor movement, and who, a generation earlier, performed what may have been the first act of industrial sabotage, even if under a different name.


French Silk Weavers

In his 1911 book Sabotage, Emile Pouget, the French anarcho-communist (as opposed to an anarcho-syndacalist or even an anarcho-syndicalist commune), wrote, “Sabotage as a form of revolt is as old as human exploitation.”  He traced the origins of organized French sabotage (under a different name) to the silk spinners of Lyon who, upon returning to work following three days of bloody riots and hundreds of casualties in 1831, rubbed oil on their fingers and spindles to artificially increase the weight of the silk they produced (weight being a measure of production), which flooded the market with stained, defective silk.[x]

Lyon was once again in the vanguard of the modern French labor movement when an Italian anarchist murdered the President of France there in 1894:

The Evening World (New York), June 25, 1894, Brooklyn Last Edition, Page 1.

 Shortly after the murder, a prominent New York City anarchist named Mme. Marie Louise commented:

Lyons, you see . . . is the hotbed of revolutionary Anarchy.  It is the headquarters of the silk-weavers – the most desperate sufferers in the world. . . . The silk weavers of Lyons – oh, they have a most beautiful mind, as may be seen in the lovely designs of silk they manufacture.  But suffering has made monsters of them, and Carnot was their most immediate and conspicuous victim.

The Evening World (New York), June 25, 1894, Brooklyn Last Edition, Page 1.

Six months later, the silk weavers of Lyon went on strike:


The Union Times(Union, South Carolina), December 14, 1894, page 1.

The brief reports of the strike in American papers did not mention the wooden shoes or the broken looms.  Anyone have access to local French newspaper archives?
The word sabotage first appeared in print a few years later when a French trade union officially sanctioned the practice[xi]:

Sabotage” first found its way into print in October, 1897, when a trade union congress at Toulouse approved of its use as a form of direct action against employers.  Since that time many labor congresses have recommended it.

The Sun (New York), April 28, 1907, 3rd Section, page 4.

In 1903, Montgomery attributed the origin of the French word sabotage to the silk weavers of Lyon:

Labor Questions; Syndicalists and Socialists. - Again, the nation has been called to deal with labor troubles which threatened, at times, to disorganize the industry of the whole country.  The silk weavers of Lyons started a formidable movement in a new direction.  Not satisfied with stopping work, they threw their wooden-soled shoes into their looms and broke the machinery.  From that time different bodies of strikers have followed their example.  They did so much destruction to mechanical plants that the word sabotage was coined to express it. FN 5.
5. Sabotage, from sabot (sahbo’), a shoe made entirely of wood, such as French peasants usually wear; also a wooden-soled shoe with leather uppers, such as factory operatives not infrequently wear.

David H. Montgomery, The Leading Facts of French History (Revised Edition), Boston, Ginn & Company, 1903, page 326.


A Silk Worker in Lyon France – 1902 – she looks innocent enough. Omaha Daily Bee (Nebraska), October 26, 1902, page 30.

The story seems plausible.  The author was a serious Harvard historian who wrote several books on English, French and American history, and the detail of the shoes perhaps being “wooden-soled” shoes, as opposed to Dutch Boy-style wooden clogs, makes the story more believable to me.  What could go wrong?   

Was this Harvard historian mistaken? – did he repeat a folk-etymology that had already surfaced regarding a nearly unknown (in English) foreign word? – did he conflate his understanding of the footwear habits and political leanings of the French peasantry and industrial workers with the new expression of “throwing monkey wrenches” into machines? – or was there some truth to the story, even if there was a simpler explanation available?  We may never know.  Montgomery did not leave any breadcrumbs behind in the form of detailed footnotes, references or sources.

But there is a simpler explanation. 

In 1911, Emile Pouget wrote:

Up to fifteen years ago the term Sabotagewas nothing but a slang word, not meaning “to make wooden shoes” as it may be imagined but, in a figurative way, to work clumsily as if by sabot blows.  Since then the word was transformed into a new form of social warfare and at the Congress of Toulouse of the General Confederation of labor in 1897 received at last its syndical baptism.[xii]


Larousse’s Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe Siecle, Volume 14 (published before 1895) includes at least two entries consistent with Pouget’s slang definition. 

Larousse defined the noun, sabotage, variously as the process of making wooden shoes or making wooden railroad ties (wooden shoes for railroad tracks).   The definition of the related verb saboter included the corresponding senses of making wooden shoes and making wooden railroad ties, but also included two additional senses that appear to be precursors of the modern word, sabotage:

SABOTER

Jouer au sabot: Un enfant qui SABOTER au lieu d'aller a l'ecole.
Faire vite et mal: Saboter de l'ouvrage.

[Playing the sabot: A child who SABOTERinstead of going to school.]
[Do it fast and badly: Saboter the work.]
    
So, to saboter was to play hooky or work inefficiently.  It was a small, logical step to apply the noun form sabotage to workers’ direct-action involving leaving work or working badly.







[ii] Merrill Edwards Gates, Men of Mark in America, Men of Mark Publishing Company, 1905-1906, pages 27-28.
[iii]“Good Stories of Secretary Shaw,” Saturday Evening Post, January 18, 1902, page 15.
[iv] Merrill Edwards Gates, Men of Mark in America, Men of Mark Publishing Company, 1905-1906, page 27.
[v]The Denison Review (Denison, Iowa), October 12, 1910, page 2.
[vi]The Denison Review (Denison, Iowa), Agust 7, 1912, page 5.
[vii]Certified Copy of the Testimony of Victor L. Berger at the trial of the case of the United States vs. Berger et al., Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, page 51.
[viii]Certified Copy of the Testimony of Victor L. Berger at the trial of the case of the United States vs. Berger et al., Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, page 51.
[ix]Etyomonline.com dates the earliest appearance of “sabotage,” as a foreign word in English, to 1903.  It dates its first use as an English word to 1907.
[x]Emile Pouget, Sabotage (translated from the original French), Chicago, C. H. Kerr & Company, 1913, pages 37-40.
[xi] Centre National de Ressources Textuelles et Lexicales (www.cnrtl.fr); etymology of sabotage (n), etymology of saboteur (v).
[xii]Emile Pouget, Sabotage (translated from the original French), Chicago, C. H. Kerr & Company, 1913, page 37.
[xiii] In May of 1892, the United States gunship Ranger made it half-way to Sitka before turning back to Port Townsend for repairs to her engine.  See The Seattle Post-Intelligencer, May 29, 1892, page 7.  Several weeks later, it was announced that a court of inquiry would meet to “ascertain why the Ranger was permitted to start for Bering sea with her machinery in such bad shape.”  See The Seattle Post-Intelligencer, June 15, 1892, page 1.

Decent and Dignified Journalism - a History of "All the News That's Fit to Print"

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In the classic film Citizen Kane, Orson Welles’ character, the newspaperman Charles Foster Kane, issued his declaration of principles:


In the classic film Singing in the Rain, Gene Kelley’s character, silent film star Don Lockwood, revealed the one motto he had always lived by:


 The New York Times has long aspired to live up to similar standards.

In 1896, the New York Times, which had been in business since 1851, adopted its now iconic motto – “the seven most famous words in US journalism[i]:

“All the news that’s fit to print.” 

This simple slogan, said to have been coined by its then new owner Adolph S. Ochs, has stood the test of time, but in its earliest days its continued existence was not assured.  Critics disliked its “colloquial” feel and considered it “not strictly grammatical.”  The editors may also have appreciated the enigmatic or cryptic nature of the words.  Within weeks of first adopting the motto they held a contest offering $100 to the person who could come up with a better motto.

But even before the contest, the motto had an internal rival – a motto that was more literal, if less memorable, and which may also have been coined by Adolph Ochs.

The Fourth Estate, Volume 5, Number 130, August 20, 1896, page 1.


“Decent and Dignified Journalism”

On August 13, 1896, Adolph S. Ochs, through his agent Spencer Trask, purchased the New York Times at “public auction”; they were the only bidders[ii]  Although the sale was nominally designated an “auction”, some considered it “merely a formal proceeding, the outcome of a reorganization of the New York Times company.”[iii]  Details of the sale, including the name of the buyer, purchase price of $75,000 and date of the auction had already been public since July 21, 1896,[iv] and reports of the pending deal had been in circulation since April. 

One of the earliest reports of the pending reorganization and sale of the Times in mid-April of that year suggest that Ochs may have exercised some control throughout the four months of reorganization:


The New York Times, which not many years ago was one of the greatest American papers, will this week pass under the control of Adolph S. Ochs, present proprietor of the Chattanooga Times.  Mr. Ochs will reorganize the Times Company, and will put the paper upon a new foundation, with a new editorial force.  It is his intention to compete with the other New York papers, and it is said he is willing to spend money along with the other newspaper publishers of this city, who are now trying to outdo one another in extravagance.  The Times will be made a straight Democratic paper.

The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), April 15, 1896, page 6.

Two weeks after the first reports of the pending sale to Ochs, the New York Times adopted a new motto or advertising motto or advertising slogan – Don Lockwood would have been proud:

The Times has become known as the “model of decent and dignified journalism.”


New York Times, April 26, 1896, page 7.

The new motto appeared in the New York Timesregularly, if sporadically, from late-April to late-September, 1896.  Its last appearance was about one week after the first appearance of “All the news that’s fit to print.” 

New York Times, June 25, 1896, page 12.
                                                                                                 

New York Times, May 31, 1896, page 8.


Whether or not Ochs coined the expression, he clearly felt some close personal affinity to it.  He returned to the motto at significant moments throughout his career at the Times. 

In 1904, his young daughter Iphigene Bertha Ochs recited the motto at the cornerstone-laying ceremony for the New York Times Building at Times Square:

New York Times, January 1, 1905, page 75.


Ochs recited the motto himself twenty-five years later at the dedication of Times’ building in Brooklyn:


The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, November 4, 1930, page 16.

In a speech before the National Editorial Association in 1916, Adolph S. Ochs invoked both mottoes while discussing his early days at the Times:

I thought there was an opportunity in this great city for a metropolitan newspaper conducted on ideal interior daily principles; a newspaper with all the news that's fit to print, honestly presented and fairly and intelligently interpreted; a newspaper for enlightened thoughtful people; a newspaper conducted as a decent, dignified journal.

The Editor & Publisher, Volume 49, Number 2, June 24, 1916, page 3.

Editor & Publisher, Volume 49, Number 2, June 24, 1916, page 3.


He may have been dissatisfied with the motto, or have just thought up one he liked better.  Or, perhaps, if it was not his in the first place, he may have just wanted to put his personal stamp on the paper.  But whatever the reason, the New York Timeslaunched the new motto with no particular fanfare about one month after the public auction. 



A New Motto

The New York Times’ online timeline of its history dates the first appearance of the motto on its editorial page as October 25, 1896.[v]  But the motto actually appeared more than a month earlier.  It first appears in a stealth marketing campaign as teeny little, innocuous advertising items squeezed in and among stock quotes or classified ads at the bottom of one or two interior pages per issue. 

The first one appeared on September 19, 1896:
First appearance of new slogan - September 19, 1896, page 10.
New York Times, September 19, 1896, page 10.

The new motto items seem to have replaced similarly sized and placed notices advertising the location of the “Times Up-Town Office” at 1,269 Broadway at 32d Street, which had regularly appeared in the paper previously, but which stopped when the motto started appearing:

New York Times, September 17, 1896, page 11.

The new motto may have been novel in its directness and succinctness, but its sentiments were not new.  A newspaper seller in Delaware hawked his wares with something similar, if wordier, while focusing on fitness to be read, as opposed to fitness to print:


The New York Times used something language in an ad campaign that appeared in several newspapers 1890[vi]:

The excellence and interest of The Times as a general newspaper are proverbial.  It is its business to print the news, all the news that it is worth anybody’s time to read.

The Wilmington Morning Star (Wilmington, Delaware), December 10, 1890, page 3.

If nothing else, the new motto provided the Timeswith an excellent proverb to go along with their proverbial excellence.

In early October[vii], the new motto’s campaign switched out of stealth mode and turned on an electric sign at Madison Square.  The sign “attracted the admiring attention from multitudes in the vicinity” and looked something like this:

New York Times, October 22, 1896, page 7.


The editors waited a few weeks before bringing specific attention to the motto within the pages of the paper.  On October 22, 1896, they launched a crowd-sourced write-in contest, offering $100 to any reader who could come up with a slogan which, in ten words or less, better conveyed the idea, “All the news that’s fit to print.”  The announcement spelled out the enigmatic slogan’s intended meaning – Charles Foster Kane would have been proud:

The Timesseeks a phrase more expressive of The Times’spolicy, of freedom from sensationalism; designed to appeal distinctively to the intelligent and the thoughtful; of having its columns devoid of revolting details of scandal, sickening chapters of crime, unfounded attacks on public men, and reckless assaults on private interests; of being essentially a newspaper for the home, a newspaper that is progressive and enterprising, without being indecent or careless of the rights of others; of being newsy and entertaining and at the same time clean and instructive; of earnestly endeavoring to be the family paper of the Greater New-York; of appealing directly to the tastes of refined and cultured people; and of being a newspaper that upholds morality, inspires patriotism, and encourages good citizenship.

The New-York Times will pay One Hundred Dollars for a phrase that will better convey this idea: “ALL THE NEWS THAT’S’ FIT TO PRINT,” everything of human interest, but nothing except the truth.

Over the next two weeks, The Timesgenerated interest in its paper, the contest, and the prize with free press from newspapers throughout the country reporting on the contest.  And perhaps more importantly, they got their readers to associate the paper with the lofty standard expressed by the new motto.  If people did not understand the expression the first time they read it, the contest and coverage of the contest provided ample opportunity to learn its meaning and to associate the paper with its goals. 

After one month, the contest ended with no winner.  In the judgment of the editors, none of the readers’ entries better articulated the meaning of their motto. 

They did, however, still award the $100 prize to the best entry.  The three runners-up were:

Always decent; never dull.
The news of the day; not the rubbish.
A decent newspaper for decent people.

The winning submission came from D. M. Redfield of New Haven, Connecticut:

All the world’s news, but not a School for Scandal.

The Winning Postcard.


Many of the also-rans were more entertaining. 

Some of them did not stray far from the source material:

All the news that’s fit to read.
All the news that should be printed.

Some of them did not stray far, but found a way to make it rhyme:

The world’s news that’s fit to peruse.
All the news fit to use.

Some did not stray far, but upped the clever quotient – perhaps a bit too far:

All the news without a nuisance.

I found this one perplexing:

Full of meat, clean and neat.

This one seems more like a ‘70s kitchen cleanser or shampoo slogan:

Cheerful, clean, with glossy sheen.

This one makes me think of doughnuts:

Dollars to dimes if it’s good it’s in The Times.

Some of them sounded more like a beer commercials (or a fictional Japanese whiskey commercial, “Make it Suntory Time”):

No times like The New-York Times
The Timesfor the times.

Many of them featured a little alliteration, perhaps a little too much alliteration:

Neat news in a nutshell.
If in The Times‘tis writ, ‘Tis decent, pungent, forceful, fit.

Some reflect the more rural nature of the population at the time:

We skim the day’s news and leave the dregs
The Wheat of the News Threshed of Chaff.

Some were a bit too high-toned:

Avoids the Charybdis of dullness and the Scylla of sensationalism.

In retrospect, it seems like a good decision to stick with their original (well, second) motto.  It deftly avoids the Charybdis of triteness and the Scylla of pomposity, while upholding the highest ideals of Charles Foster Kane and Don Lockwood.

The motto  finally landed on its familiar position on the front page on February 10, 1897.





[ii]The Star Gazette (Elmira, New York), August 13, 1896, page 7.
[iii]The Tallapoosa New Era (Dadeville, Alabama), August 20, 1896, page 4.
[iv]The Evening Post (New York), July 21, 1896, page 2; On the St. Lawrence and Clayton Independent (Clayton, New York), July 24, 1896, page 1.
[vi] Barry Popik’s online etymological dictionary, The Big Apple, found this ad in the New York Times, December 4, 1890, page 4.  It also appeared in other papers.
[vii]The New York Times, October 22, 1896, page 7.

Bazoo, Kazoo, Bazooka – from Playful Instrument to Instrument of War (a History and Etymology of Kazoo and Bazooka)

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Mount Carmel Item (Mount Carmel, Pennsylvania), January 4, 1943, page 1.

In early January 1943, headlines across the country trumpeted the existence of a new “secret weapon.”  They couldn’t publish a photograph because journalists who had witnessed it in action were sworn to secrecy.  But its general appearance was betrayed by its informal name – it was named for a home-made musical instrument familiar to fans of Bing Crosby’s radio sidekick-turned headliner, Bob Burns:

There is one weapon which, with typical Yankee impudence, already has been nicknamed the “Bazooka,” because of its resemblance to Comedian Bob Burns’ famous musical instrument.

Detroit Free Press, January 1, 1943.

Twenty-five years earlier, during an earlier war, the United States Marine Corps announced a new invention during the early years of World War I – it wasn’t a weapon, but it might hurt your ears:

“BAZOOKA”

Port Royal, S. C., Nov. – U. S. Marines at this station have a new invention.  It’s called a “bazooka.”  No, it isn’t a cannon, nor a flying machine, nor a machine gun, but when in operation it will make you “shake your feet”.  The “bazooka” is a simple contrivance, consisting of but two pieces of gas pipe and a funnel, but its secret is in the playing.  It is said the marine Corps Jazz Band is the only one in the world that boasts of a “bazooka.”

Morgan City Daily Review (Morgan City, Louisiana), January 11, 1918, page 1.

Although it was no big secret, an early publicity photo showed a fake bazooka that could have been designed by Dr. Seuss:



The real “bazooka” entertained troops in Europe before returning home to entertain recruits at the Marine Corps’ recruiting office on Manhattan:


The United States Marine Corps Melody Six is (or are) back from Europe, including Sergt. Robert Burn [(Bob Burns)] and bazooka.

The bazooka is the last word in jazz.  Sergt. Burn invented it, and plays it.

You can hear the Melody Six, including Sergt. Burn and the bazooka, any day you want to drop around to the Marine Corps recruiting office at No. 24 East 23d Street.  Lieut Harry W. Miller says they are going to be a great help to him in the campaign recently inaugurated to bring the Marines up to authorized war strength.  According to tales told by the Marines, the Melody Six are the snappiest zippiest, jazziest aggregation of tune artists in any branch of Uncle Sam’s service.

“We play,” says Robbie Burn, “everything from Berlin (Irving) to Mr. Beethoven and will tackle anything except a funeral march.  The outfit consists of two violins, a banjo, piano, drum and the bazooka.”

The bazooka, it may be added, can be made at home.  Two pieces of gas pipe, one tin funnel, a little axle grease and a lot of perseverance, Sergt. Robert Burn says, equal one bazooka.

The Evening World (New York), September 3, 1919, page 9.

Burns made his Broadway debut shortly after the war:

New York Tribune, June 30, 1920, page 18.
  A novelty in musical instruments was introduced to the American public on Thursday evening in the Bal Tabarin, 50th street and Broadway, when Sergeant Robert Burns of the A. E. F., who organized General Pershing’s jazz band during the war, made his debut in the United States.  He had just arrived from London where his playing on the unique instrument, which he has named the “Bazooka”, created a semi-sensation not only because of its peculiar construction but because of its tone qualities.  In the latter it resembles quite closely a deep-toned saxophone and at the same time possessing a singular vigratory and melodiously sweet tone.

The bazooka consists of two pieces of gas pipe, to which are attached funnel-like ends.  The novel musical instrument aroused the curiosity of many well known men and women in musical circles in London, and one manufacturer there is seriously considering the making of them for orchestral purposes.

Daily National Hotel Reporter, July 1, 1920.  New York, June 26, 1920. 

He performed in vaudeville by the mid-1920s:

New York Clipper, February 8, 1924.

He did not last long in vaudeville.  By the early 1930s, he was a “small-time clown picking up $5 or $10 here and there around Los Angeles.”  But he quickly shot to fame after moving back to New York in about 1935.  Crooner Rudee Vallee picked him to emcee his radio show, based primarily on his aw-shucks, Andy Griffith-esque persona and delivery.[i]   

He quickly rose through the ranks, soon landing a spot on Bing Crosby’s radio show at $1000 a week in late-1935.  He appeared in Bing Crosby’s 1936 film, Rhythm on the Range:

Lansing State Journal, August 4, 1936, page 14.



You can also see Bob “Bazooka” Burns play his “Bazooka” in this military film from 1943:



Like the kazoo, Bob Burns’ Bazooka was easy to play, but hard to play well.  And the similarities do not end there.  Drop the “ba” from ba-zoo-ka, rearrange the syllables, and you’ve got ka-zoo.  

The similarities are no accident.  Both “bazooka” and “kazoo” appear to share a common, related root word – “bazoo.”  To blow or toot one’s “bazoo” was idiomatic slang similar to the modern expression, “toot one’s own horn,” and the word “bazoo” standing alone was slang for any type of wind instrument, especially when played loudly or annoyingly.

 “Bazoo” and “kazoo” also reflect and were part-and-parcel of a general linguistic trend that generated a whole host of sometimes interchangeable slang words such as razoo, gazoo, bazook, gazook, gazooka, bazooka, gazip, gazipe, gazunk, and gazabo.  See, for example, my earlier piece, Gazip, Gazipe, Gazunk – Variants of Gazabo?





Bazoo

“Bazoo” appeared in John Russell Bartlett’s Dictionary of Americanisms, 4th Edition, Boston, Little, Brown, and Company, 1877:

Blowin’ his Bazoo. Gasconade; braggadocio.

The expression did not appear in the first three editions (dated 1859-1860), suggesting that the word originated no earlier than about the mid-1800s.

The earliest explanation of the word I could find is from 1869, when a newspaper in Sedalia, Missouri put the word in their title.  The name was silly enough to garner attention in the press:

What’s in a Name. – We have received a copy of a seven weeks old paper published in Sedalia Missouri, called “The Bazoo.” “A rose with any other name would smell as sweet,” but though our editor blows his bazoowell, we can not help thinking it might sound rather better under some other appellation.

Watertown Republican (Watertown, Wisconsin), July 28, 1869, page 3.

The Bazoo’s publisher, J. West Goodwin explained his reasons for choosing the name in language that might elicit uncomfortable giggles today – to “blow one’s self” meant something else then, it meant to talk one’s self up – not that other thing:

So we asked J. West what Bazoo meant, and he, expectorating, spoke: “Well, I’m damned if I know.  I’ve heard, times enough, fellers talk about ‘blowing your bazoo,’‘tooting your bazoo,’ ‘getting off your bazoo,’ and know it means blowing.  And that’s what I started my paper for – to blow myself, and to make everybody else blow for me.  We ain’t like you in Kansas, down there in Missouri.  We have a lot of old fogies to deal with, while you fellers know how to git up and git.  I ‘spose bazoo is slang for bassoon, a wind instrument.  But if it ain’t, I don’t care, and it don’t make any difference.  Everybody knows that I believe in blowing, and that that is what bazoo means, and that that is what I started the Bazoo for.  And I have made it out, for the papers all over the country are advertising me by making fun of my ‘bazoo.”

Leavenworth Weekly Times (Leavenworth, Kansas), July 21, 1870, page 2.

On occasion, a “bazoo” could be a tin horn or other wind instrument:

The bully girl with a crystal optic and tin horn was at the jollification.  She “tooted her bazoo” in concert with Hon. Nelson’s horn, and wanted “White husbands or none.”

Fayette County Herald (Washington Court House, Ohio), November 19, 1874, page 2.

Ottowa is to have a brass band. Geo Kinder, of the Sentinel, is a member, and will play a “bazoo.”

The Findlay Jeffersonian (Findlay, Ohio), November 26, 1875, page 3.

His coat was unbuttoned, and a bundle found which contained a music stand, nicely folded, and intended for sheet music.  He stated that he had been engaged to play the bazoo at a picnic, and invited the officer to accompany him.  Officer Newall didn’t see it in that light, and the dizzy minstrel was taken to the cooler.  It is thought the apparatus belongs to one of the members of Seibert’s orchestra.

Daily Globe (St. Paul, Minnesota), August 2, 1880, page 4.

The word “kazoo” first appears about a decade after “bazoo.”


Kazoo

The word “Kazoo”, as applied to a particular type of toy wind instrument, appears to have been coined by its inventor in 1882:



This instrument or toy, to which I propose to give the name “kazoo,” may be made in many forms and of many different materials; but I prefer the construction and materials here described as being attractive, durable, and cheap.

United States Patent 270,543, Warren H. Frost, of Worcester, Massachusetts, January 9, 1883, based on application filed August 28, 1882.

The newly invented “kazoo” hit the mass market sometime in mid-1884:

“What is the Kazoo!”

“The greatest Musical Wonder ever invented. Plays any tune, imitates any Bird or Animal, Bagpipes and Punch and Judy” . . . .

“Used as a mouthpiece on brass or tin horns, is the music good?” 
 
“Yes, and the keys require no fingering.”


Harper’s Weekly (New York City), Volume 27, Number 1440, July 26, 1884, page 488 (Posted by Barry Popik on the American Dialect Society Discussion List on November 10, 2002).

Everybody is tooting the kazoo.  Haven’t you seen one yet?  Well, if you drop into Nordheimer’s you can get one for ten cents, and you’ll find it more fun than a circus for yourself and all your neighbors for a mile around.

Grip (Toronto), Volume 23, Number 5, August 2, 1894.

What is a Kazoo? A kazoo is an instrument invented to give pleasure and satisfaction to the small boy.  It is a cross between a bagpipe and an accordion, with several new and pleasing features of its own.  It can make more noise and even less music than a brass band.  It can imitate the warbling of a cat or the screech of a mocking-bird.  The inventor would be hanged, drawn, quartered and burnt, but it is more than likely that he is kept out of the way in some insane asylum. When you hear a noise like the combined sounds of a fish-horn and a run-away, do not imagine it is the end of the world.  It is only the small boy amusing himself peaceably with his kazoo. – Detroit Free Press.

San Antonio Light (Texas), August 13, 1884, page 1.

New York Clipper, September 6, 1884, page 16.
 
Ironically, although one of the main selling points for the “kazoo” was that you didn’t have to read music or play a real instrument, sheet music appeared shortly afterward:


The cover art for one of the songs depicts “kazoos” being used as mouthpieces, plugged into larger horns or other household items to create improvised, homemade musical (?) instruments; much like “Bazooka” Bob Burns’ instrument a generation or two later.  Similar “kazoo bands” became a common feature of pop-culture for several decades:

KAZOO.

The Democrats of this city and county having abandoned their idea of a flambeau and torch clubs and in fact their club organization a few of the more enthusiastic have resolved to form a Kazoo band as being cheap, economical at the same time noisy and windy. . . .  The newly improved kazoo is provided with four vent holes, so that however hot a Democrat may wax on the march there is no danger of anything blowing up. . . .  The music is delightful to the average Democratic ear and there is nothing like it on earth or under the earth if we except its striking resemblance to the groans and howls which comes from the Democratic ranks immediately succeeding the November elections of every four years.

Wichita Eagle (Kansas), October 10, 1884, page 3.

After several weeks’ work, the People’s party clubs are now in readiness for their first grand parade . . . . [I]n addition to the twenty-two marching clubs, the City Guards, and the five precinct drum corps, there will also be the Guitar and Mandolin club [and] the Kazoo band. . . .

The Salt Lake Herald (Utah), January 10, 1890, page 5.


St. Paul Daily Globe (Minnesota), June 5, 1903, page 10.
The Advertising Golfers Kazoo Band, The Sun(New York), January 17, 1915, page 4.

 



In Sedalia, Missouri, home of The Weekly Bazoo, the owner of The Bazoo sold kazoos under a different name, “Bazoo” – I guess he was just blowing his own bazoo:

The Sedalia Weekly Bazoo (Sedalia, Missouri), October 14, 1890, page 1.


In 1888, a music shop in New Zealand sold what might have been a kazoo under the name, “Razoo”:

Timaru Herald, June 2, 1888, page 2.



And, in keeping with “kazoo’s” bazoo roots, bands that might otherwise be called “kazoo bands” were frequently referred to as “Bazoo Bands”:

Chariton Courier (Keytesville, Missouri), November 10, 1905, page 5.

In the interests of full disclosure, I did find one, isolated instance of an apparently unrelated use of the word “kazoo” in a book published sometime in 1882.  It appeared in a book that was full of slang, or perhaps even fictional slang, so it is not clear whether the word had any similar meaning in the real world.  The date of publication is also unknown, so it is not clear whether it was written before or after Warren Frost dubbed his new toy horn “kazoo” in August 1882.

In the context of the book, the word referred to an extended binge or protracted party weekend:

“Kazoo’s new, isn’t it?” says he. “What’s a kazoo?”

“Oh, a regular bump.” Says Whopper.

“A ‘reeling ripe,’ you know,” says Mixer.

“A protracted bust,” murmurs Little Jake, persistently ignoring the renewed emptiness of the glasses, though it is emphatically his turn.

O. N. Looker (pseudonym), Naughty New York, or, The Apron Strings Relaxed: a Novel of the Period; being a truthful narrative of a weeks jollification of three young benedicts, New York, American News Co., 1982, page 12.



Gazooka/Bazooka

Bazoo and kazoo were both well known words related to making a racket with an improvised musical instrument years before Bob Burns apparently combined the two as a name for his improvised gas-pipe and funnel trombone, the “Bazooka,” in 1918.  But even then, the word “Bazooka” may have been influenced by an earlier word, “gazooka,” and perhaps even by an earlier sense of “bazooka “.

“Gazooka” was frequently used as exotic gibberish that could take on any of many various meanings.

In 1897, it was used as the name of an African character in a cartoon:


In 1905 it was also the name of a cocktail:




First select a crystalline cube of ice . . . .  Place the cube . . . in a cut glass of the size once described by Gen. Gordon as "suitable for a gentleman only."

Upon the cube gently located the lump of sugar, upon that feather a leaf of mint and upon the mint let a cherry rest.

Over this pour to the extent of a gill that liquid supposed to come from the banks and braes of Bonnie Doon - pour slowly, that the Scotch, the cherry, the mint and the cube may delicately intermingle and send forth a perfume - a memory of things that have been.

Last, add two gills of mineral water that has been cooled, but not iced.

You have then the Gazooka.  What you do with it is your own business. - Chicago Post.


Detroit Free Press (Michigan), June 12, 1905, page 10.

In the 1905 musical play, The Mayor of Tokio (book by Richard Carle, music by William Frederick Peters), one of the plot elements revolved around a hypnotic, kiss-inducing talisman; the “Gazooka”:

Kidder possesses a ready tongue, unlimited nerve, and a wonderful talisman called Gazooka.  This is a magnate by which a human being may be hypnotized.  Kidder meets Betsey Lincoln, an American heiress.  He demands a kiss, which she refuses.  He produces the Gazooka and osculation ensues.

The Piqua Daily Call (Piqua, Ohio), November 21, 1905, page 5.

In 1907, Gazooka was the name of a baseball team and in 1909 the name of a minstrel troupe.

“Gazooka,” and later “Bazooka,” were sometimes used to refer to something big.

In 1897 a “Gazooka” was a large gold strike, perhaps influenced by “Bonanza”:


“It is a gazooka,” he said, “and we are destined to rival the bonanza and railroad kings of California.”



The San Francisco Call, November 30, 1897, Page 14.

In 1904, fishermen of the fishing banks off Sandy Hook, New York reportedly used the word “Bazooka” to designate particularly large fish; a usage that might also have been influenced by “Bonanza”:

The fishermen on the banks [(the fishing banks off Sandy Hook, New York)] nickname a cod of fifteen pounds a “bird”; one of twenty a “beaut”; of twenty-five a “buster”; of thirty a “darling”; of thirty-five a “bazooka.”

“Some Big Fishes,” Field and Stream, Volume 8, Number 9, January 1904, page 744.                        

Perhaps Bob Burns’ “Bazooka,” a large kazoo-like bazoo, was also influenced, consciously or subconsciously, by earlier sense of “gazooka” or “bazooka” meaning something large.

The words “gazook” and “bazook” were also in use during the period.  “Gazook” was frequently similar to the word, “Gazabo,” which generally mean a generic guy or wise guy.  In one instance, I saw “gazook” used to refer to an old automobile, influenced, perhaps by “gazunk” that frequently carried the same connotation.   “Bazook” was frequently used as the mock-title of exotic Easterners, may likely have been influenced by the name of ancient Turkish soldiers called “Bashi Bazouks.”



Evolution of the Kazoo

The “Kazoo,” the word and the instrument, may have been new in 1882, but it was based on noisemakers that had come before.  In his patent application, for example, Frost references the old comb and paper trick.  There were also other predecessors.

Early examples of sympathetically resonant membrane instruments include the onion flute (also known as the eunuch flute) and the mirliton, one or both of which were known in France as early as the 18th Century.  The “onion” in onion flute is believed to refer to an onion skin used as the membrane in early models.  Why a “eunuch” is painfully unknown.

Although the terms “onion flute” (in French, flute a l’oignon) and “mirliton” are (and have been) frequently used interchangeably, a catalogue of the collection of New York City’s Metropolitan Museum of Art distinguished the two in 1902.[ii]

An onion flute was “conical” and could be nearly 3 feet long with one membrane – looking more like an oboe or clarinet:


“Onion” Flute.  The membrane is inside the tube, just below the bulb; the hole in the shaft is where it is played.


A mirliton was “cylindrical” and generally less than a foot long, with membranes at both ends – more like a piccolo or fife:



Mirliton.


The small fife-like “mirliton” made such a big hit at the St. Cloud fair in Paris in the 1860s that they were remembered three years later:

Three years ago there was a song or cry Mirliton (a rude “musical” instrument chiefly sold at the St. Cloud Fair).

Times-Picayune (New Orleans, Louisiana), September 27, 1864.

The collection of the museum of musical instruments at the Conservatory of Music in Paris included a large “eunuch” flute and small mirliton“so common at St. Cloud fair”:

Lower down the hall is a valuable bass flute and an eunuch (a sort of baritone) which has degenerated until it is only seen now in children’s mouths – the reed pipe so common at St. Cloud fair under the name of the mirliton . . .

Times-Picayune (New Orleans, Louisiana), February 19, 1865, page 2.

An image of the St. Cloud Fair from 1871 may even show someone playing a mirliton:


Image: MagnoliaBox.com

 Although it was a instrument of the people, the mirlitonfound its way into high society – playing for what sounds like a precursor to the conga-line, although likely less fun:

At the last ball given by the French Minister of War, a new cotillion was introduced. . . . After the closing gallop the dancers assemble in a close column and promenade the ballroom many times with military step, whilst an obligato charivari is played on drums, tambourines and mirlitons.

Weekly Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock, Arkansas), May 13, 1865, page 3.

In the early 1870s, the Mirliton was the name of a swanky “artistic” club on the Place Vendome in Paris:

The “Mirliton” is an artistic club.  Politics there are lost sight of in pleasant concerts, at which the great masters of all countries meet with impartial approval.  Its President, of combined Legitimist and Orleanist origin, who was almost reconciled to the Empire, is a high functionary under the Republic, and well represents the tolerant ideas which distinguish the “Mirliton.”

The Buffalo Commercial (Buffalo, New York), March 5, 1873, page 2.

But what “Mirliton” actually means and where the name comes from has been a matter of debate since at least the 1860s, when a French academic surmised that it was, at root, a form of onomatopoeia suggestive of the sound it makes, although he also made reference to a popular hairstyle of that name and a wizard named “Mirliton” in a play, both from the 1720s.[iii]

Although the technology of a kazoo (or mirliton and the like) is relatively simple, something like it, in combination with advances in electrical science, helped completely transform communication and entertainment in the form of the telephone, microphone and the phonograph.

In 1878, a French text described the telephone mouthpiece as something similar to a mirliton or an onion flute; a thin membrane that picks up vibrations from the voice.[iv] In a “kazoo,” those vibrations are amplified and projected by the body of the instrument; in the telephone, those vibrations are converted into an electrical signal and recreated at the receiver other end of the line.

Thomas Edison invented many things – but he did not invent the kazoo.  But he did invent the phonograph; and he was inspired by something like a proto-kazoo using a comb and paper:


 While experimenting on diaphragms for the telephone, Edison had constructed a number of small sheepskin drumheads to test their value as diaphragms, as compared with metal and other substances.

To some of these sheepskin diaphragms he had attached a small metal needle, which was intended to project towards the magnet and assist in conveying the vibrations caused by the human voice. . . .

His assistants soon discovered that by holding the sheepskin diaphragms in front of their mouths and emitting a guttural sound between the lips a peculiar noise approaching music could be produced.  It was something similar to the alleged music produced by covering a comb with thin paper and humming a tune on it. 

In passing one of the men engaged in playing on a diaphragm one day, Edison playfully attempted to stop the noise by touching the projecting metal pin with his finger, and no sooner had he done so than he gave one of his peculiar starts. ‘Eh! What’s that?’ said he, which so astonished the performer that he dropped the diaphragm.  ‘Do that again,’ said the ‘Wizard,’ and it was repeated, and again his finger touched the pin to his evident delight. . . .

‘I have it,’ said he, finally, and he retired to his den and commenced drawing diagrams for new machinery, which his assistants speedily made, and a few days later the first phonograph was put together.

The Indianapolis Journal, September 15, 1889, page 9.

The “kazoo” also led to less noble advances.  Warren Frost, who invented and named the “kazoo,” invented and named another, albeit less successful, instrument about fifteen years later – the “Zobo”:



The “Zobo” - US Patent 552612 to Frost, 1896.[v]

The Zobo introduced the concept of a screw-on membrane cap, similar to those in use on modern kazoos, although its membrane was in the mouthpiece, instead of on top of the body.  

A "Zobo"


The first modern kazoo, with familiar, streamlined “submarine” shape and a screw-on membrane cap located on top was patented in 1902.[vi]  It must have reached a state of near perfection since it hasn’t changed appreciably since:




The High-Water Mark of Kazooistry


It took 75 years from the perfection of the kazoo to reach the high-water mark of artistic kazooistry.  In 1977, the Kaminsky International Kazoo Quartetette (five members strong) made its debut at Alice Tully Hall in New York City, supported by the equally sadistic, I mean artistic, “Fie-On-Arts Ensemble.”  The performance, called “Kazoophony,” featured Natasha, Igor, Feodor, Boris, Stanislaud, Pistachia, Light Fingers and Howard Kaminsky (all unrelated) performing such crowd-pleasing favorites as John Philip Kazooka’s “Stars and Stripes Forever,” “Yankee Kazoodle Dandy,” and Tchaikovsky’s  “1813 Overture” (the kazoo update of the familiar “1812”).[vii] 


The group, mostly serious music students from the Eastman School of Music in in Rochester, New York, first performed together at a picnic in Rochester in 1972, where they provided a tongue-in-cheek, Cold War-era summary of their career so-far:

The Kaminsky Quartet, conceived by the Soviet government, has already successfully alienated more than 1,300 audiences.  They have been refused political asylum in 14 European countries, and after a seven-year tour of Siberia were deported to the United States.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), July 24, 1972, page 16.

Five years later, they told an equally tongue-in-cheek story about the origins of the kazoo:

[T]he American kazoo was invented in 1850 in Macon, Ga., by Alabama Vest, a black man, and Thaddeus von Clegg, a German.  It was called a down-south submarine because of its shape.

The Pocono Record (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania), May 4, 1977, page 20.

It is possible, I suppose, that there was a tradition of making folk-instruments similar to the mirliton or onion flute before Frost’s patent-kazoo of 1882.  Like much of unrecorded folk-history, there would be little or no documentation.  The details and names in the Von Clegg/Vest story are likely fabricated, like everything else the Kaminsky International Kazoo Quartette fed the press.    But if anyone has any information or documentation about pre-1882 American proto-kazoos, please let me know in the comments section. 

The lack of documentation is not a good reason to fabricate or embellish the facts, even if the story is a good one.  Despite the story’s obviously satiric origins, it has been repeated as gospel truth for decades (google “history of the kazoo georgia”) and even made its way into a few serious history books.  The story survived, if for no other reason, because there was no serious history of the kazoo available.

You’re welcome.


Image: Library of Congress


[i]The Amarillo Globe-Times, April 14, 1936, page 4.
[ii]The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Hand-Book No. 13, Catalogue of the Crosby Brown Collection of Musical Instruments of All Nations, I, Europe, Galleries 25 and 26, Cases of Galleries 27 and 28, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1902, page 212 (Case 105 a).
[iii] Georges Kastner, Parémiologie musicale de la langue française : ou Explication des proverbes, locutions proverbiales, mots figurés, qui tirent leur origine de la musique, accompagnée de recherches sur un grand nombre d'expressions du même genre empruntées aux langues étrangères, Paris, G. Brandus et S. Dufour, 1866, page 286.
[iv]Th. Du Moncel, Le téléphone, le microphone et le phonograph, Paris, Hachette et cie, 1878.
[vii]Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), July 24, 1972, page 16.

Hey Mulligan Man! - a Second Shot at the History of Taking a "Mulligan"

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Nicklaus, Palmer, Trevino, Woods – these names evoke images of the best golf shots and most memorable moments in golf history.

Mulligan – a name that evokes images of the worst golf shots and most forgettable moments in every golfer’s personal history.

Everyone knows Jack, Arnie, Lee and Tiger, but few people know Dave or “Buddy,” the two Mulligan men generally associated with the origins of golf’s “mulligan.”

In golf, a “mulligan” is a do-over, a second shot made without a penalty in hopes that it will be better than the first.  Merriam Webster defines it as a “free shot sometimes given a golfer in informal play when the previous shot was poorly played,”[i]  although a pessimist might define it as “the right to hit a second shot worse than your first.”[ii]

Traditionally, taking a “mulligan” is limited to a tee-shot, and sometimes just the first tee of the round, although some players (like me) may take one at any time.  The word has also long since passed into general usage, being used to describe any second attempt in any sport, or in life, when a first attempt failed.

The origin of the “mulligan” is considered unknown, although there are two leading candidates for the dubious honor of having coined the expression.

The most widely accepted story is that Dave Mulligan invented the “mulligan” at Winged Foot Golf Club in suburban New York City in the 1930s or at the Country Club of Montreal in the 1920s.  He was frazzled, they say, after a bumpy ride over a long, rickety bridge, so he needed special consideration – they gave him a second shot – a “mulligan.” 

Ottawa Journal (Ottawa, Ontario), December 27, 1954, page 1.

A lesser theory is that “Buddy” Mulligan coined the expression at Essex Fells Country Club in New Jersey in the mid-1930s.  He was regularly called away from his duties as a locker room attendant to fill out a foursome with some club members, they say, but since he had been working while they were practicing, he needed special consideration – they gave him a second shot – a “mulligan.”  

Echoes-Sentinel (Warren Township, New Jersey), July 10, 1975, page 18.


Dave and “Buddy’s” respective, purported roles in the origin of “mulligan” are far from certain.  Their stories have been told and retold for decades, with details garbled and embellished in each retelling, as in a children’s game of “telephone.”

Elements of both stories are true.  Dave Mulligan did play golf at Winged Foot in the 1930s and Montreal in the 1920s, where he drove across the mile-long Victoria Bridge to get to the golf course.  “Buddy” Mulligan worked as a locker room attendant in the 1930s, and a well respected golf writer who played with him at Essex Fells in the “mid-1930s” substantiated his story.

But elements of both stories are also problematic; chiefly the timeline.  Recently discovered, early examples of “mulligan” in pushed the earliest known date of use back to October 1931, but    Dave Mulligan did not play with his regular foursome at Winged Foot until 1932 or later, and “Buddy” Mulligan said that he coined the expression in the “mid-1930s,” too late for his claim to be true. 

Dave Mulligan could have coined the expression in Montreal in the 1920s, I suppose, but that story first appeared on the back of a menu at a golf-themed restaurant in Hollywood Florida in 1972.  Their pancakes are great, I’m sure, but menu covers are not the most reliable source (the one exception to the rule being the Chinese zodiac, which is usually spot-on).  Although two witnesses later came forward to corroborate some aspects of the Montreal story, they disagreed with one another on significant details, and contradicted Dave Mulligan’s own version of events.

In addition, an article about Winged Foot’s “First Annual Mulligan Tournament,” written in 1941 when Dave Mulligan was still an active member, credits Mulligan with creating the “mulligan tournament,” but not with inventing or coining the “mulligan” itself, which the article expressly states was of unknown origin. 

The two earliest examples of “mulligan” in print may also support a novel theory of the origin of “mulligan,” based on an earlier sense of “mulligan” meaning to take a hard swing at a ball.  I have speculated about the theory in the past, but without specific evidence of to connect the earlier sense with the later golfing sense.  The newly discovered, early examples, however, arguably make the connection. 



Swat Mulligan

In the 1910s, the New York Evening Worldoccasionally heralded the exploits of “Swat Mulligan”[iii], a fictional professional baseball player with mythical strength – a kind of Paul Bunyan for baseball; a Mighty Casey who never struck out.  

Swat Mulligan’s Bat: The Evening World (New York), August 15, 1908, page 4.

They even sold “Swat Mulligan” dolls:

Tacoma Times (Washington), July 7, 1911, page 6.

He was so well known that his name was used idiomatically to describe big hitters in baseball, golf and cricket.  In the early 1920s, for example, Babe Ruth was described as a “Swat Mulligan” of the diamond and the links:


Famous “Babe” has natural form for walloping home runs, but on links he’s developed special style that drives the little ball over 300 yards – Yankees star confident of flashing new Swat Mulligan stuff this year in both baseball and golf.

The Evening World (New York), March 13, 1920, page 8.
 
As early as 1919, a cricketer, using language very similar to the golfing sense, might “take a ‘mulligan’ at” the ball.  In context, it appears that this early “mulligan” referred to taking a big swing at the ball – the kind of swing “Swat Mulligan” might take:

If it is a bad ball, “off the wicket,” he may take a “mulligan” at it and knock it over the fence, “out of bounds” they call it.

The Colorado Springs Gazette, April 19, 1919, page 12.

This is the only example of “mulligan” in this form that I or anyone else has found.  But there are numerous references using the full name, “Swat Mulligan,” to describe a big hitter in baseball or golf.

Heinie Zimmerman was the New York Yankee’s leading “Swat Mulligan” in 1917:

Leading the Polo Ground Swat Mulligans is Heinie Zimmerman, with an average of .310.

The World (New York), July 10, 1917, page 10.

Dave Herron was a “Swat Mulligan of the links” in Philadelphia in 1919:

[Woody Platt], a newcomer to tournament golf, failed to get his strokes working in good shape against the long hitting Herron, who is a real Swat Mulligan of the links.

The Evening World (New York), August 22, 1919, page 2.

The great Walter Hagen was also considered a “Swat Mulligan of the links”:

The Evening World (New York), June 13, 1919, page 22.
In a baseball game between the Elk Clubs of the Bronx and Staten Island in 1922, a “Swat Mulligan Hit” “sailed  over” an elevated train – but was called foul: 


The Evening World (New York), June 5, 1922.

It seems plausible that this full-swing sense of “Swat Mulligan” or “take a mulligan” could have morphed into the golf sense of an extra shot off the tee, where a proverbial “Swat Mulligan” might take a full, strong swing if given a second chance.

I speculated about such a connection in an earlier post (see Swat Mulligan, the Sultan of Swat and the Taliban (June 23, 2016)):

It is possible, I suppose, that this full-swing sense of “Mulligan” is a precursor to the second-chance sense of “Mulligan.”  Did “Mulligan” originate from taking a second tee-shot; a full swing? 

. . . But it may be just a “red herring”; any similarity being just a coincidence.  I do not know and have not found any direct evidence of a connection. 

With an assist from Garson O’Toole (purveyor of QuoteInvestigator.com and author of Hemingway Didn’t Say That: The Truth Behind Familiar Quotations), I located what is now the earliest known example of a golf “mulligan” in print, dated October 1931.

Coincidentally, or perhaps not, the two earliest known examples of “mulligan” in print relate to a professional baseball player who was arguably the best golfer to ever play major league baseball.  It was not Babe Ruth, but “Babe Ruth’s Legs” – Sammy Byrd, a reserve New York Yankee outfielder and frequent substitute for “the Sultan of Swat” late in his career. 

The Decatur Herald (Decatur, Illinois), August 13, 1933, page 10.

After retiring from baseball, Byrd went on to win six PGA tournaments in the 1940s, finish in the top-10 at the Masters twice, and nearly win the 1945 PGA championship (losing to Byron Nelson 4 & 3 in match play).  He holds the dubious distinction of achieving highest score ever on the 2d hole at the Masters –  10  [iv](no “mulligan” allowed), but is also the only person ever to appear in both a World Series game (a bottom-of-the-ninth defensive substitution for Ruth in game one of the 1932 World Series) and The Masters.

But in 1931, he was just a baseball player proving that he had what it took to play with the big-boys in a pro-am match-play tournament.


Early “Mulligans”

In October 1931, New York Yankees’ reserve outfielder, Sammy Byrd, teamed up with professional golfer  Tommy Armour,[v](The Silver Scot) in a best-ball, pro-am tournament at Rammler Golf Club in Stirling Heights, Michigan.  The pair came in second place with a best-ball score of 68.  Byrd, one of the amateurs, carded the individual low score with a 71.  He shared top honors with two of the professionals; his partner, who was the reigning British Open champion and winner of two other majors, and Al Wastrous, who never won a major but who nearly defeated the legendary Bobby Jones in the 1926 British Open; not bad company.

Image from Wikipedia.

Byrd’s distance off the tee was also impressive.  He was one of only a few players on the day to reach the green on the 290-yard 14thhole.  He also wowed the crowd coming home on the 290-yard 18th hole by clearing a creek and rolling his ball up to within inches of an elevated green.  Great shot, maybe, but it wouldn’t count – it was his second try – and the first known appearance of “mulligan” in print:

All were waiting to see what Byrd would do on the 290-yard 18th, with a creek in front of the well-elevated green.  His first drive barely missed carrying the creek and he was given a “mulligan” just for fun.  The second not only was over the creek on the fly but was within a few inches of the elevated green.  That’s some poke!

Detroit Free Press, October 13, 1931, page 16.

This big hit by a professional baseball player is consistent with earlier uses of “Mulligan”, as in “Swat Mulligan,” but does not unambiguously answer the question.  The writer did not bother to explain the word here, as though the word was already in current use, at least in golf circles.  The same paper did, however, take a journalistic “mulligan” a few months later, explaining the word while recounting the same event – the second known example of a golf “mulligan” in print:

Mention of Byrd always brings to our mind a drive he made on the 290-yard eighteenth at Rammler late last season.  It was one of the most prodigious wallops we ever saw. . . .
Playing in a four-ball match, which included Tommy Armour and Clarence Gamber, the Yankee outfielder narrowly missed carrying the creek with his drive, the ball crashing against the bank on the far side.  He was given a “mulligan,” or another chance.  This time he not only drove over the creek, but to within a few inches of the front edge of the green.  It was all carry, a wallop of close to 290 yards.  Try that one on your matched set.

Detroit Free Press, May 11, 1932, page 13.[vi]

It is not clear how the word came to the sportswriter who wrote the article.  Perhaps someone told Byrd to swing away, invoking “Mulligan” in the “Swat Mulligan” sense of the word, which the reporter misunderstood as a term for a second chance, thereby unintentionally coining a new golf expression.  It is also possible that the term was already known in golf from some other source, or even from “Swat Mulligan” by some other means at some other time, and that this merely happened to be the moment it finally found its way into print.  Perhaps the expression, to “take a ‘mulligan’ at” the ball, used in cricket in 1919, had also long persisted in baseball, eventually evolving into the “mulligan” as a second big swing from the tee.

It is also compelling, though not conclusive, that the four earliest known examples of a golf “mulligan” print come from the Detroit Free Press. The Free Press invoked the word twice in 1933 when reporting A. E. Dixon’s “mulligan ace” (a hole-in-one from a second tee-shot); once when he made it[vii]and again months later in a recap of the season.[viii]  Does this suggest local provenance? or merely that the writer picked up the word somewhere and by happenstance was the first to put it in print? It is not clear.

The word reached a national audience in a pair of wire stories in 1936 and 1937.  During a Presidential stay at the Miami-Biltmore in 1936, Associated Press syndicated columnist, Thomas “Pap” Paproski, noted the golfing habits of Franklin Roosevelt’s appointments secretary, Marvin McIntyre:

Another McIntyre-ism is the use of the “mulligan” – links-ology for a second shot employed after a previously dubbed shot.  Most McIntyre “mulligans” are worse dubbed than the initial shot, however – which seems to serve as a psychological encouragement to the presidential attaché.[ix]

In 1937, United Press syndicated columnist Henry McLemore discussed a round of golf he played with professional tennis players Elsworth Vines and George Lott:

Lott had a 41 going out, and bettered this by one shot coming home.  This was a shade too good for me, even tho they allowed me to tee up in the rough and gave me a “mulligan” off these tees, a “mulligan” being the right to hit a second shot worse than your first.[x]

In 1938, McLemore used the expression again in a tongue-in-cheek proposal for a rule-change in baseball that might benefit the long-suffering Phillies:

Phillies: the Phillies would be started off with 20 games on the winning side of the ledger and given one “Mulligan” a week.  A “Mulligan” is a golfing handicap which allows a player to re-play any one tee shot he chooses to.  The Phillies’ baseball “Mulligan” would give them the right to re-play any one inning of a game.[xi]

“Mulligan” does not seem to have become widely known, used or understood outside of golfing circles until President Eisenhower famously took full advantage of his Executive “Mulligan” Privilege:

When It’s Not a Stew
[(For the origins of Mulligan Stew, see my piece on the History and Etymology of Mulligan Stew)]

Use of the word “mulligan” in news dispatches from Gettysburg may prove confusing to students of public affairs who are not versed in the intricate vocabulary of golf.

For their information and as a contribution to public understanding, mulligan, spelled with a small “m,” is not in this case the name of a stew.  Neither is it the name of a hero in the war against the Black and Tans.

Mulligan is the term used to designate a second shot off the first tee when the player doesn’t like the looks of the first one.

Telegraphic reports from Gettysburg, heralding President Eisenhower’s achievement of a broken 80, reported he had taken two mulligans, an obvious misinterpretation since only one extra shot is implicit in the term.  Some golf courses, in fact, frown on even that one and some forbid it with signs on the first tee as follows: “No mulligans.”

The Pittsburgh Press, July 10, 1958, page 16.

President Eisenhower’s relaxed approach to golf (Rhode Island, 1957).[xii]

 
Evolving Origin Stories

David B. Mulligan

Chicago Daily Tribune, December 28, 1954, page 14.


When he died in 1954, David B. Mulligan was remembered as the “dean of hotel men and veteran golfer credited with originating the extra tee shot term of ‘taking a Mulligan.”  But he was much more.  And inventing the “mulligan” (if he was the one) was not his greatest achievement, much his greatest achievement in sports. 

The Journal News (White Plains, New York), June 11, 2006, U. S. Open Special Section, page65.

David Mulligan was born in Pembroke, Ontario in about 1871.  He reportedly finished high school at age 14 and passed the bar at age 17, at the time the youngest person ever admitted to the bar in Canada.  As a young man, “he achieved considerable fame as an athlete in the Upper Ottawa Leagues, playing lacrosse, hockey and other sports with equal brilliancy.”[xiii]

But his talents and his interests lay elsewhere.  He embarked on a career in hotel management, gaining “rich experience as room clerk in the Lexington and Chicago Beach Hotels of Chicago, and also in the Waldorf-Astoria in New York.”[xiv]  He “graduated from the Waldorf-Astoria”[xv]into management positions with hotels in the United States and Canada, before returning to Ottawa in about 1904 to run the Russell Hotel with his brother George.

In Ottawa, Mulligan also found time to devote to his passion for sports, working in an executive capacity for Ottawa’s football, lacrosse and hockey teams.  Under his guidance, the Ottawa Capitals (lacrosse) and the Ottawa Senators (hockey) won world championships; the Capitals won the Minto Cup in 1906 and the Senators won the Stanley Cup in 1911.  The sports management gene must have run strong in his family.  Eight decades later his nephew, M. Donald Grant, was the General Manager of the “Miracle Mets” who won the World’s Series in 1969.

David Mulligan left Ottawa in 1911 to assume management of the Breslin Hotel in New York City, and years later became the superintendent of hotels for the Canadian National Hotels chain.  In 1924 took control of the Windsor Hotel in Montreal, and i 1926 the Waldorf-Astoria in New York City, running both hotels concurrently while commuting between cities for several years. 

Mulligan left the Waldorf-Astoria to manage the Victoria Hotel in New York City in the late-1920s.  He stayed there for several years before moving to the Biltmore Hotel chain in 1932, where he spent the rest of his career, first  as resident manager of the New York-Biltmore and executive manager of the entire chain, and later as chairman of the board of the Biltmore’s parent company, Realty Hotels. 

By his own account, he invented and coined the “mulligan” at Winged Foot Golf Club during this period of time.   He first made the claim in an interview in 1952, but he may have overstated his role.  An article in 1941 gave him credit for organizing a “mulligan tournament,” but not for coining the expression.


Winged Foot

The earliest known account giving David Mulligan credit for coining “mulligan” is an interview published in 1952, two years after he suffered a stroke[xvi]and two years before he died at the age of 83 “after a long illness.” [xvii] I have seen three second-hand accounts of the interview, published in 1952, 1954 and 1985, but have not tracked down a copy of the original.  But a trail of breadcrumbs leads me straight to Don Mackintosh of the Sudbury Star (Sudbury, Ontario) as the source of the interview. 

In 1952, a newspaper in Louisville published an account of the interview, citing an article from Golf Digest’s June 1952 issue.[xviii]  A nearly verbatim account of the same events appeared in an Ottawa newspaper shortly after his death in 1954.[xix]  The interview resurfaced three decades later in the July 1985 issue of the USGA’s Golf Journal.  George Eberl (author of Golf is a Good Walk Spoiled - 1992) reported that he found the interview in an undated “yellowed newspaper column” which had been sent to the USGA by one of David B. Mulligan’s first cousins, once removed.  The clipping did reveal the date or publication it was cut from, but it did list the writer as “Don Mackintosh.” 

A man named Don Mackintosh was a sportswriter for the Sudbury Star in 1952.[xx]  Since Mulligan was from Pembroke, Ontario, and Mulligan’s brother lived in Sudbury, Ontario, and all three later-published versions of the interview were nearly identical, all signs suggest point to Don Mackintosh of the Sudbury Star as the author of the “yellowed newspaper column” quoted in the Golf Journal in 1985.  Mackintosh’s original article, presumably from the Sudbury Star, was likely the original source for the versions published in Louisville (via Golf Digest) in 1952 and Ottawa in 1954.

Mulligan’s own account of the events is simple and straightforward, unlike the later versions of the story:
        
According to Mulligan, it happened like this: “One day while playing in my usual foursome, I hit a ball off the first tee that was long enough but not straight.  I was so provoked with myself that on impulse I stooped over and put another ball down.  The other three looked at me with considerable puzzlement and one of them asked, “What are you doing?”
“’I’m taking a correction shot,’ I replied.  ‘What do you call that?’ the partner inquired.  Thinking fast, I told him that I called it a ‘mulligan’ . . . After that it became kind of an unwritten rule in our foursome that you could take an extra free shot on the first tee if you weren’t satisfied with the original.  Naturally, this always was referred to as ‘taking a mulligan.’”

The Courier-Journal(Louisville, Kentucky), May 25, 1952, page 34 (citing Golf Digest (June 1952)).

The June 1985 article in Golf Digest contained a few extra details omitted from the apparently paraphrased versions published in Louisville in 1952 and Ottawa in 1954.  Given all of the other similarities among the various published versions of the interview, the details appear to be original to the source article, and not a later embellishment.  Instead of referring to “my usual foursome,” as reported in 1952, it refers to “this group,” and lists the names of the members in the foursome. 

The names of the other members of the foursome suggest that the events took place at Winged Foot Golf Club in Mamaroneck, New York after November 1931, later than what we now know to be the earliest known examples of “mulligan” in print:

“For years I played golf with the same foursome (sic) every weekend.  My partner was always L. G. Spindler, and our opponents were John Saxauer and Milt Kayler.  One day, while playing with this group, I hit a ball off the first tee that was long enough, but not straight.  I was so provoked with myself that, on impulse, I stooped over and put down another ball.

USGA Golf Journal, July 1985, page 18.

Milt Kaylor (Emmet “Milt” Kaylor) was a car salesman who lived in Mamaroneck, New York, the same village where Winged Foot is located.[xxi] 

L. G. Spindler (Lorenz Gregory Spindler) was a well-heeled flour broker from New York City.  He was an active and successful amateur golfer in the New York area for several decades, leaving a long paper trail of reports of his matches.  The earliest connection I could find between Spindler and Winged Foot is a best-ball tournament he played there in August 26, 1932.[xxii] In November 1931, he was still reportedly connected with Westchester Country Club,[xxiii]where he had played since at least the late-1920s.[xxiv]  He had previously been associated with Fox Hills Country Club on Staten Island, where he was club champion in 1917,[xxv]and which he represented in a pro-am match-play tournament he won at Pinehurst, North Carolina in 1920.[xxvi] 

If it is true that Spindler was not a member of Winged Foot until after November 1931, then it is unlikely that Mulligan could have coined “mulligan” there in a foursome with Saxauer, Kaylor and Mulligan before October 1931.   I contacted Winged Foot Golf Club for information on when the members of the Mulligan foursome joined the club, but as the journalists say, “they did not immediately (or ever) return my request for comment.”  


Mulligan Tournaments

In 1941, David Mulligan organized Winged Foot Golf Club’s “First Annual Mulligan Tournament.”  The idea of a “mulligan tournament” was new (or at least the reporter believed it was new) but the “mulligan,” itself, was not:



The fact that Dave is president of the Biltmore Hotel in New York is well known, but he’s become better known lately in golfing circles as the first to recognize the long cherished ambition of every golfer to make up legitimately for some of those dubbed strokes.  Not so long ago Walter Hagen and Bobby Jones were playing golf with the Duke of Kent, and when His Royal Highness talked about strokes from these noted stars, one of them told him they’d give him a “Mulligan”.  What the original relationship of the name may have been with golf we don’t know, but Dave is credited with the current blending of the name with the game, and it’s going to something entirely new on the metropolitan golf schedule next year.

Ottawa Journal (Ottawa, Ontario), October 11, 1941, page 29.

Tellingly, perhaps, the last sentence of the article seems to credit Dave Mulligan merely with inventing the tournament, and not with the “mulligan” itself. 

What’s more, David Mulligan did not even invent the so-called “mulligan tournament” as the writer believed.  “Mulligan tournaments,” by that name and other names, had been described in golf journals, texts, and in real life from as early as 1921:

Another kickers’ tournament[xxvii] is one invented for those given to saying how good their scores would have been had they not driven into the woods or creek, etc.  It is arranged so that the players are allowed to replay one shot on each hole, which must be done immediately after the unsatisfactory shot is made.  No shot can be played over when the player has reached the green.

Golfers’ Magazine, Volume 38, Number 4, April 1921, page 36.

The women golfers will hold a “practice shot” tournament on the Fort Hunter links. . . . [E]ach golfer will play nine holes and at each hole be permitted a practice shot.  Supposing, for instance, when the player tees off, at the start, the drive is a poor one.  She then may make another drive without increasing her score.

The Evening News (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), July 13, 1925, page 9.

Kickers’ Tournament: In this event, any player can play over again any shot on every hole, provided he does it before he takes the succeeding stroke.  He may not replay a putt.

Golf Professionals’ Handbook of Business(3rd Edition), Providence, Rhode Island, United States Rubber Company, [c1932], page 95.

A couple years after the word “mulligan” first appeared in print in Detroit in 1931, “mulligan handicap” tournaments and “mulligan tournaments” appear in newspapers in and near Detroit, perhaps lending credence to the suggestion that “mulligan” originated in or near Detroit:

Detroit Free Press, June 17, 1934, page 19.
Detroit Free Press, June 24, 1935, page 14.


In 1939, there was a “mulligan tournament” in Akron, Ohio, just across Lake Erie from Detroit:

Akron Beacon Journal (Akron, Ohio), September 9, 1939, page 10.


Montreal

The earliest account of David Mulligan coining “mulligan” in Montreal in the 1920s appeared in an advertisement for Mulligan, a golf-themed restaurant that opened in Hollywood, Florida in early 1972.  Elements of the story, the “harrowing” ride, the “frightening” journey, his “mild state of shock,” and “special consideration and sympathy,” are repeated verbatim in later retellings, suggesting that restaurant’s ad and menu were the source of all later versions:


A man named Mulligan leads us off the path of righteousness today.  That’s David Mulligan, one-time manager of the Windsor Hotel in Ottawa. . . .

Seems that four golfers from Montreal played regularly together, but only Mulligan had a car and it was always his duty to drive the others to the country club over bumpy dire roads.  On arrival, they’d hurry from the car to the first tee, but the driver – after the harrowing ride was usually in a mild state of shock.  His first attempt at a drive frequently reflected his nervousness and the ball landed deeply into the rough.

Because he was entitled to special consideration and sympathy, the other members of the group gave him a second shot.  Thus, the practice of hitting a second ball from the first tee became known as “taking a Mulligan.”

Fort Lauderdale News (Florida), March 12, 1972, page 69 [5E].

A more expansive version of the same story appeared on the back of Mulligan’smenu, as reported the Ottawa Journalin 1973:


[T]here is a restaurant in Hollywood, Florida, called Mulligan, hard-by a golf course, and Harry Mulligan, pro at the Glenlea Club, visited the place this past winter and brought home one of their menus.

On the back is their account of the term.  According to them, four golfers from Montreal played regularly at the St. Lambert Club.  Only one of them owned a car, and so it fell to him to drive the others out to the club.

This was back in the early twenties, and driving in those days was at least adventurous.  The drive this foursome had was long, the car unpredictable, the roads exceedingly poor and service stations miles apart.

The harrowing journey finished with a frightening passageacross a bridge more than a mile lon, and a bridge not built for automobiles, but for narrow-stanced horse-drawn traffic.

Still in Shock

On arrival, the foursome would change shoes and hustle up onto the first tee, often near the dead run, and the driver was still in a mild state of shock.  As a result, his first swipe at the ball usually reflected his state of nervousness and anxiety and rarely moved far, or, in the intended direction.

Because he was the driver, though, he was entitled to special sympathy and consideration, and the other members of the group agreed he should be given a second try.

His name was David Mulligan, and he was the manager of the Windsor Hotel in Montreal, and so the second try became a Mulligan, and came into rather common usage at that club, then at other courses in the area, finally across Canada and now, all over the world.

The Ottawa Journal, April 26, 1973, page 27.

The story reached the pages of Golf Digest in June 1974, during the run-up to the US Open to be held at Winged Foot later that summer:

Winged Foot Golf Club, site of the 1974 U. S. Open has produced considerable lore over its more than half century of existence.  Its membership even included at one time the man who inspired the term “Mulligan,” a familiar one to golfers everywhere.

Back in the 1920s, as the story goes, a Montreal hotel manager named David Mulligan used to slip off regularly with three companions for a round of golf at the Country Club of Montreal.  The harrowing auto trip over a narrow road culminated in a frightening passage across a bridge built not for cars but for horse-drawn wagons.

On arrival, the foursome hurried to the first tee usually still in a mild state of shock– most of all the driver, Mulligan.  His first attempt off the tee frequently reflected his nervousness from the trip.  Since he was the driver and therefore entitled to special consideration and sympathy, his companions would give him a second try.  They began calling this gratuitous second shot “a Mulligan,” and the term followed the hotel man when he went to New York as manager of the Waldorf and subsequently joined Winged Foot G. C.


“How the ‘Mulligan’ was Named,” Golf Digest, Volume 25, Number 6, June 1974, page 27.

A few weeks later, the Philadelphia Inquirer illustrated how easy it is to muddle the details in retelling a story, curiously blending details about Montreal while maintaining that the expression originated at Winged Foot:

Winged Foot is where, they claim, the “Mulligan” was born.  One of the members was David Mulligan, who had moved from Montreal where he’s played regularly on a course that was so remote you had to drive your car over a rickety bridge which was designed only for horse-drawn wagons.  Mulligan was usually in such a state of shock upon completing the trip that his first shot reflected it, so he was always given a second tee-off attempt free.

The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 13, 1974, page 27.

While it may be easy to pooh-pooh the credibility of a back-of-the-menu copywriter, at least two eyewitnesses later chimed to corroborate elements of the story and add more details, so it deserves a closer look.

In 1973, Johnny Patton, who claimed to have been a member of Mulligan’s regular foursome in Montreal, sent his account to the Ottawa Journal:

Let me first say that I have read many articles about the origin of the ‘Mulligan’ and yours is the best written and most accurate of them all.

I might elaborate a bit and say that Dave Mulligan was the only one who had a car, an old Briscoe touring car (are you old enough to remember that make?), and as you say, Dave used to drive.  However, from his hotel, The Windsor, it was only about 3 ½ miles to the gold course across the Victoria Bridge.

The bridge is 1 ¾ miles long.  The floor of the bridge was made of 12-inch wide by four-inch thick planks laid crossways so that any planks worn thin by the horses’ shoes could be replaced easily.  It was almost like driving a corduroy road.  The rest, as you describe, is very true. . . . .

As I recall, the foursome consisted of the late Dr. Arnold Mitchell, and Dave’s nephew, M. Donnie Grant, now the general manager or executive vice-president of the New York Mets, I can’t remember which.

Just one more item.  As you can see by the letter head, the course was the Country Club of Montreal, not the St. Lambert Club.  And the years this all happened were, to the best of my memories, 1924-25.

The Ottawa Journal, May 12, 1973, page 23.

Twenty-five years later, Mulligan’s nephew “Donnie Grant,” M. Donald Grant, who, like his uncle, had his share of sports management success as the General Manager of the “Miracle Mets” World’s Series champions in 1969, gave his account to the New York Times.  Grant’s version of events disagrees with Patton’s account on the issue of who drove the car, and conflict’s with David Mulligan’s claim that he had been the first person to use the term “mulligan”:

The other version comes from M. Donald Grant, the noted New Yorker  and a second cousin [(or perhaps nephew)] of Mulligan.  He has it that while managing the Windsor, Mulligan had a harried schedule that forced him to rush to get to the golf course so he could return in time to see after the evening affairs at the hotel. He dressed in the car on the way out -- young Grant did the driving -- and otherwise was in a hasty way. As a result, he would usually top his first shot. He would then hit another and, because he was such a jolly and well-liked fellow -- that's the key in all this -- his mates let him get away with it.

''With a snicker,'' Grant adds.

However, only when someone else was given or took the same favor did the term emerge, according to Grant. ''One day, Charles Gordon, one of the regulars, topped his drive,'' Grant recalled, ''and as we were about to leave the tee, he said: 'Wait a minute, boys, I'm going to take a mulligan.' Thereafter, all of us did it, and it grew like wildfire.''


For my money, the Montreal story leaves much to be desired.  Patton’s and Grant’s eyewitness accounts differ on the key point of who drove the car.  Patton’s and Mulligan’s accounts disagree on the key point of who said “mulligan” first.  And the plot element of the long, bumpy drive over the bridge strikes me as overly dramatic and overblown. 

The Victoria Bridge 1901. Image from Wikimedia Commons.




The Country Club of Montreal is located in Saint-Lambert, Quebec, across the river from Montreal and connected to Montreal by the mile-long Victoria Bridge.  The stone piers of the Victoria Bridge were built during the 1850s, when the original tubular bridge was built.  The tubes were replaced by the current metal trusses in 1897/1898.  And although the bridge was built before automobile traffic was common, it was also built to carry trains – and has lasted for more than 150 years, so it was not as “rickety” as the menu version suggests. 

In addition, although the portion of the roadbed built to carry vehicle traffic may have been designed primarily for narrower horse-drawn vehicles, and may have been bumpy by modern standards, automobiles of the 1920s had thinner tires and narrower bodies than cars of the 1970s, and roads were generally not as smooth in the 1920s as they were in the 1970s, so the ride would not have been as much of an issue for 1920s drivers with 1920s sensibilities. 

What was so special about Mulligan’s trip to the golf course that he would receive such special consideration after driving it? 

Perhaps it wasn’t so special.

American tourists enjoyed the ride in 1923:

The boulevard before reaching Victoria bridge is delightful and the mile ride across the St. Lawrence over Victoria Bridge is slow but enjoyable.

Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester, New York), July 22, 1923, page 55.

In 1924, the pavement on the approach to the bridge was considered poor, and there was no mention about the surface on the bridge other than its being “narrow”:

From Lake Placid . . . to Montreal the pavement is in good shape, with the exception of the approach to the very narrow Victoria bridge across the St. Lawrence.

Chicago Tribune, August 10, 1924, page 26.

And in any case, wouldn’t nearly everyone (or at least a significant percentage) who crossed from Montreal to Saint-Lambert have gone across the same bridge?  Hundreds of Canadian cars crossed the bridge every day in 1920; the traffic in the late 1920s would likely have been much greater:

Closing of the Victoria Bridge at Montreal for five days last week brought out the fact that the bridge is used daily by from 700 to 1,200 vehicles, of which over 70 percent come from the United States.

The Times Dispatch (Richmond, Virginia), September 7, 1920, page 4.

It seems unlikely to me that Mulligan’s trip would have been so much more harrowing for him, even if he was the one driving, than everyone else’s that they would give him such notable “special consideration.”

Personally, I would have been more terrified driving over the ice during the bridge closure of 1927:
The Richmond Item (Richmond, Indiana), February 10, 1927, page 1.


But I guess people back in the day were more accustomed to things people today might find frightening – like long, narrow bridges.   

Which is why I find it unconvincing that the Mulligan’s drive across the bridge was so remarkable that we would still be talking about it today.


John A. “Buddy” Mulligan

John A. “Buddy” Mulligan’s name was not thrown into the mix until late-1974, apparently in reaction to the spate of “mulligan” articles on the heels of Golf Digest repeating the Mulligan’s menu’s version of events during the run-up to the US Open to be held at Winged Foot later that summer.  One of his golfing buddies told the story first, and “Buddy” chimed in a year later.  Both accounts describe the origin of “mulligan” in the mid-1930s – a couple or a few years after the expression first appeared in print in Detroit in 1931.

John A. “Buddy” Mulligan, a native of West Orange, New Jersey, worked as a locker room attendant at Essex Fells Country Club (New Jersey) in the 1930s.  Years later, while a patient at the Lyons Veterans Administration Hospital, he helped run their nine-hole golf course, first as a volunteer, and later in a paid position.  In between, he served in World War II, ran a lingerie factory and worked as a textile salesman. 

In October 1974, Des Sullivan, a golf writer for the Newark Evening News and past President of the Golf Writers of America, recalled how it happened:

Des claims that in the mid-thirties there were about three ready for a daily game at Essex Fells Country Club. . . .  Invariably they persuaded the club lockerman, Buddy Mulligan, to drop his chores and join them.  Just as invariably, Mulligan would fluff his first tee shot. 

He complained this was because the other three rushed him off his job without giving him a chance to get ready. So they invited him to take another and play it.

The “Mulligan” spread and now is a national golf institution.

“An Errant Shot? . . . Try a Mulligan,” John S. Brodhead Jr., The Courier-News (Bridgewater, New Jersey), October 8, 1974, page 32.

In 1975, it was Buddy’s talked to the press:

The “mulligan” was born in the mid-1930s, during the dreary days of the Great Depression, when Buddy Mulligan was the lockerrman at Essex Fells Country Club.  Responsible for the “birth” of the now legendary term were Mulligan, Dave O’Connell, the assistant pro at Essex Fells at the time, and Des Sullivan, a police reporter for the former Bronx Home News in New York who later became one of New Jersey’s top amateur golfers and a golf columnist (“Divot Diggings”) for 25 years at the Newark Evening News . . . . 

While Buddy’s first tee shot hardly was to be admired, his gift for gab – which he used to good advantage later as an excellent salesman – made up for some of his quick disadvantage.

“This is a fraud,” he told his golfing partners.  “You two are out here practicing all morning while I’m working.  You expect me to start cold with nothing more than a practice swing.  The least you ‘thieves’ can do is give me another drive so I don’t have to go bouncing around in those trees every time.”

Mulligan proved persuasive.  He also quickly spread the word around the Essex Fells locker room about how he had “taken” O’Connell and Sullivan.  Essex Fells members laughed at first and then concluded Mulligan had a good idea.

Soon they were taking “mulligans” on the first tee and the strategy quickly spread to other New Jersey clubs and eventually all across the country.

“How Golfing’s Mulligan ‘ Got Its Name,” The Bernarsville News – Observer-Tribune – Echoes-Sentinel (Warren Township, New Jersey), July 10, 1975, page 18.


Summary

The expressions “take a mulligan at” and “Swat Mulligan” denoted big hitters in baseball, golf and cricket from as early as 1917.  The expression was based on a larger-than-life fictional professional baseball player named “Swat Mulligan.”

The earliest known date of a golf “mulligan” in print is from October 1931, and the two earliest examples of “mulligan” in print relate to a professional baseball player who excelled at golf.

In 1941, an article about Winged Foot’s “First Annual Mulligan Tournament” credited David Mulligan with organizing the first “mulligan tournament,” while expressly stating that the origin of “mulligan” was unknown.

In 1952, David Mulligan said that he coined “mulligan” while playing with his regular foursome at Winged Foot, but based on the names of the members he said were in his foursome, it could not have happened until sometime after November 1931.

In 1972, a golf-themed restaurant took out ads with a story crediting David Mulligan with coining “mulligan” in Montreal in the 1920s, and a more detailed version of the story appeared on the back of their menu.  A newspaper in Ottawa picked up the story in 1973 and it subsequently appeared in Golf Digest in 1974.   Two eyewitnesses who played golf with Mulligan in Montreal confirmed some aspects of the story, but disagreed with each other on significant details, and they both contradicted David Mulligan’s own version of events recorded two decades earlier.

In 1974, Des Sullivan reported that “Buddy” Mulligan coined “mulligan” at Essex Fells in the “mid-1930s”.  “Buddy” Mulligan concurred that it happened in the “mid-1930s”.

None of this proves that “mulligan” was derived from “Swat Mulligan” and does not definitively disprove Dave or “Buddy” Mulligan’s claims.  But “Swat Mulligan” and “take a mulligan at” might easily have morphed into the golfing sense of “mulligan,” when used to golfers familiar with the terms taking a second shot, which they hoped would be a “Swat Mulligan” shot.  The fact that the earliest accounts of a golfing “mulligan” in print relate to a golfing baseball player may be sheer coincidence, or may be a clue to a connection between the earlier and later senses of the word.  The coincidence that all four of the earliest known examples of “mulligan” in print, as well as three early examples of “mulligan handicap” or “mulligan tournaments,” all appeared in or near Detroit suggests a possible local origin of “mulligan” in that area.

Dave Mulligan almost certainly did not coin “mulligan” in Montreal in the 1920s.  Not only does the story appear to have been written by an advertising copywriter in 1972, it contradicts Mulligan’s own words and arguably strains credulity.

Dave Mulligan’s late-in-life claim to have coined “mulligan” also appears to contradict the 1941 article about Winged Foot’s “First Annual Mulligan Tournament,” in which the writer credited Mulligan with creating the idea of such a tournament, yet expressed the belief that the origins of the “mulligan,” itself, were unknown. 

“Buddy” Mulligan may have taken “mulligans” in the mid-1930s, but the fact that he and his witness placed his purported coining of the term in the “mid-1930s,” a couple or a few years after the word appeared in Detroit, likely disproves his claim.

Or did either one of David or “Buddy” Mulligan actually coin the expression, only to misremember or misstate the dates decades later?  Might Dave Mulligan been mistaken about the location or the foursome he was playing with at the time?

You be the judge. 

 FORE!!!



[ii]Henry McLemore, Lincoln Evening Journal(Nebraska), April 15, 1937, page 13 (UP).
[iii]The original spelling, and most frequent spelling, was “Swat Milligan,” although his name was frequently rendered as (and apparently widely understood to be) “Swat Mulligan.”
[v]Tommy Armour’s name may be familiar to Wal-Mart customers.  Their line of golf clubs bears his name.
[vi]Detroit Free Press, May 11, 1932, page 13.  Garson O’Toole, of QuoteInvestigator.com posted this citation on the American Dialect Society’s discussion list on April 20, 2017.  His post inspired my search which identified the earlier example.
[vii]Detroit Free Press, April 24, 1933, page 15.  Samuel Clement posted this citation on the American Dialect Society’s discussion list on April 16, 2016.
[viii]Detroit Free Press, September 9, 1933, page 13.
[ix]Sport Slants by Pap, St. Cloud Times (St. Cloud, Minnesota), May 6, 1936, page 9 (William Saffire credited “slangsleuth” Paul Dickson with finding this citation, On Language, “Mulligan Primary,” William Safire, The New York Times Magazine, March 23, 2008).
[x]“Henry Pays Golf Money for Net Information,” Henry McLemore, United Press, Lincoln Evening Journal (Lincoln, Nebraska), April 15, 1937, page 13.
[xi]“Henry Has His Own Baseball Ideas,” Henry McLemore, United Press, Lansing State Journal (Lansing, Michigan), April 16, 1938, page 7.
[xiii]“Ottawa Loses One of Her Best Sportsmen in the Departure of D. Mulligan,” The Ottawa Journal, May 8, 1911, page 4.
[xiv]Interview with D. B. Mulligan, Hotel Monthly, Volume 19, Number 214, January 1911, page 35.
[xv]Hotel Monthly, Volume 19, Number 220, July 1911, page 53.
[xvi]The Ottawa Journal, August 16, 1950, page 1.
[xvii]Chicago Daily Tribune, December 28, 1954, page 14.
[xviii]“Golf Roundup,” Johnny Carrico, The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), May 25, 1952, page 34.
[xix]The Ottawa Journal, December 27, 1954, page 12.
[xx]“Don Macintosh of the Sudbury Star claims the North Bay Trappers are the team to beat in the NOHA southern group circuit this winter.” The Evening News (Sault Sainte Marie, Michigan), November 3, 1952, page 10.
[xxi]1940 US Census for Mamaroneck, New York as viewed on Ancestry.com.
[xxii]The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, August 26, 1932, page 2.
[xxiii]The Ithaca Journal (Ithaca, New York), November 20, 1931, page 16 (P. C. Pulver, editor of a magazine for professional golfers, says that no one worked harder for the Alex Smith memorial than John Inglis, . . . and that no one more ably assisted Mr. Inglis than L. G. Spindler, the old Fox Hills golfer, also active in the Westchester Country Club . . . .”).
[xxiv]The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 16, 1929, page 23.
[xxv]Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Pennsylvania), October 27, 1917, page 10.
[xxvi]The Philadelphia Inquirer, February 1, 1920, page 23.
[xxvii]A standard “kickers’” tournament involved self-handicapping; thereby avoiding the complaints (kicking) that arise from disputes with the handicappers.  Many “kickers’” tournaments involved a certain amount of luck because prizes for getting a net score close to a randomly drawn score from a range of likely scores (e.g., 68-82).  Other fun, non-standard scoring tournaments were also referred to, on occasion, as “kickers’ tournaments.”

Advertise Here - the History and Origin of Economic Pump Priming

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A gambler trying to pull more cash from a table might invoke Lady Luck with the plea . . .

“Baby needs a new pair of shoes!”

An economist looking to pull more cash from the economy might look to . . .

“Prime the pump.”

But priming an economic pump is easier said than done.  The modern economy is so complex, with so many inputs, outputs, factors, conditions and unexpected consequences, that instituting any new economic policy is, to some degree, just a crap-shoot, regardless of how sound the underlying economic principles seem.

It is therefore fitting, perhaps, that both expressions originated from the same source – the desperate and creative minds of hungry newspaper editors.

“Baby needs a new pair of shoes” can be traced to mid-19th century newspaper editors who used tales of personal woe to shame their advertisers into paying their bills:

Where is money coming from to pay for paper for our next issue?  We cannot get a quire without the cash in advance.  We have borrowed until our credit is gone.  We have worked two years for nothing and boarded ourselves – or rather our wife has boarded us, “free, gratis, for nothing.”  Our compositors want their wages.  Our landlord wants his rent.  Our children want shoes and our wife wants a new calico dress.

Grand River Times, December 5, 1855, page 1. 

I traced the transition to the modern gambling form of the expression in my earlier post, Baby Shoes, Calico dresses, African Golf and Crabs - a Dicey History and Etymology of "Baby Needs a New Pair of Shoes!"

The economic sense of “prime the pump” can similarly be traced to an anonymous newspaper editor encouraging its readers to spend money on advertising to “prime the pump” of their business:

Albany Ledger (Albany, Missouri), July 28, 1899, page 1.

The same anecdote appeared in dozens of newspapers over the next several years, mostly throughout Kansas and Missouri, but also in places as far away as Minnesota and Washington State. 

In 1916, "muckraking" journalist William Hard introduced the expression to a wider audience with his essay, “Big Jobs for Bad Times” (Everybody’s Magazine, Volume 35, Number 2, August 1916), which the Oxford English Dictionary cites as the earliest known example of the expression. See: “Priming the pump,” Mark Liberman, LanguageLog, May 12, 2017.

Hard predicted an imminent depression – “Bad Times”:



To stimulate the economy, Hard proposed a nationwide program of large public works projects, to include dams, bridges and roads – “Big Works”: 



He imagined President Woodrow Wilson (as nearly as he could “clumsily approach his inimitable style”) addressing leaders of labor, business and banking:

“When the waters of business are stagnant, gentlemen, it becomes necessary, if I may say so, to ‘prime the pump.’”

The big work of literally moving water into the desert and out of the swamps might stimulate the economy:



The expression became fodder for political cartoonists and advertisers during the 1920s.  See: “Priming the pump: a cartoon history,” Ben Zimmer, LanguageLog, May 13, 2017.

In 1930, when the country was in the midst of an actual depression, a pro-Hoover cartoonist imagined President Hoover using public construction funds to prime the pump of the economy and pull the country out of depression:

New York Tribune, Inc. 1930 (image from “Priming the pump: a cartoon history,” Ben Zimmer, LanguageLog, May 13, 2017).

Whatever Hoover did, or intended to do, it did not work.

But it was President Roosevelt who later became better known for successfully “priming the pump” with his New Deal, Works Progress Administration and other public works programs (all of which may have owed a debt of thanks to William Hard's "Big Works for Bad Times"), although even Roosevelt had his doubters:

"The New Deal Pump", dated to 1930 (see “Priming the pump: a cartoon history,” Ben Zimmer, LanguageLog, May 13, 2017).



Metaphoric pump priming hearkened back to a day when many people had to pump their own water up from a well.  In order to coax the well into working properly, you had to fill the pipe with water so that it could efficiently draw suction.  

But literally priming pumps could be as unpredictable as metaphorically priming the pump of the economy – it is pointless if you use more water than you get out or go into debt borrowing the priming water.  

As related by a satirist in 1914:

In the old days, when we had our own well, getting water for family use was a serious business.  As I told you, the well was seven miles deep, and the water would all run out of the pump.  Then the dad-blistered pipe had to be primed.  I guess you know what priming a pump is like.  You have to pour down more water than you expect to get back, and then wiggle the blamed old handle up and down for three hours to get the water started.  Sometimes the first priming wouldn’t do the trick, and then you had to go around among the neighbors and borrow enough water to do it over again. . . .

“Halcyon Days, Adventures of a Grouch,” El Paso Herald, March 10, 1914, page 4.

Priming the pump could also be dangerous – it was possible to drown in the process:

Estherville Daily News (Estherville Iowa), May 23, 1895, page 7.


In 2017, a new president is set to roll the dice and “prime the [proverbial] pump.” 

“Baby needs a new pair of shoes!”
Trump “prime the pump” economy origin history etymology expression idiom “priming the pump” dictionary language etymology history origin expression idiom "prime the pump""priming the pump" trump



The Best Thing Before Sliced Bread - a History of Sliced Bread and Its Idiom

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In the late-1940s a new idiom entered the language.  It was a great idiom.  It was the best thing since sliced bread.

No, literally, the idiom was:

“The Best Thing Since Sliced Bread.”

Sliced bread, the product, was an immediate success when it first hit stores in Chillicothe, Missouri in July 1928.  It was so good that one of the first bakeries to offer it for sale crowed that it was:

“The Greatest Forward Step in the Baking Industry Since Wrapped Bread.”

The Sedalia Democrat (Sedalia, Missouri), January 14, 1929, page 5.


Its convenience was on par with other kitchen staples like ground coffee and sliced bacon:

“[T]he greatest time-saver since ground coffee and sliced bacon.”


The Eugene Guard (Eugene, Oregon), July 12, 1931, page 3.

But the idiom, “the best thing since sliced bread,” did not emerge until nearly two decades later.  In the meanwhile, each new advance in bread-baking technology was compared to sliced bread.

In the mid-1930s, “100% More Butter” was the “biggest news in bread baking since sliced bread was introduced.”

The News-Herald (Franklin, Pennsylvania), November 15, 1935, page 9.


In the late-1930s and into the 1940s, twin-packs of separately wrapped half-loaves of bread were “the greatest convenience since sliced bread.”

The Bee (Danville, Virginia), February 23, 1940, page 3.





[H]alf-loaves of sliced bread are sealed into individual packages and then put together, with a “zipper” in between, for the final package, the greatest advance in the bakery business since sliced bread was introduced about 1927.


The Town Talk (Alexandria, Louisiana), July 26, 1947, page 12.

In the late-1940s, “Brown-n-Serve” rolls were the “most revolutionary change in the baking industry since SLICED BREAD.”

The Indian Journal (Eufaula, Oklahoma), November 10, 1949, page 5.


Sliced bread was so successful that people quickly became lazy and spoiled.  But they were quickly brought back to reality during the great sliced-bread revolt of 1943.

On January 18, 1943, the United States Agriculture Department ordered a ban on selling pre-sliced bread.

Buyers Resent Order Banning Sliced Bread

The regulation was apparently made for several reasons – to cut the cost of cutting blades in the bakeries, and to eliminate the inner wrapping . . . .

[But] to make matters worse, as soon as the present local stock of cutlery is exhausted there will be no more, due to a new government regulation to save steel.  Some Bend firms report a run on knives since sliced bread went off the market.

The Bend Bulletin (Bend, Oregon), January 20, 1943, page 1.

The department lifted the “no-slicing order” six weeks later in response to a popular uprising:

Officials said the decision to lift the ban was made after assurances from the war production board that the paper and wax supply situation “looks O. K.” for the next few months. . . .

Many Grocers and housewives had appealed to the department to lift the ban.

The Ogden Standard-Examiner (Ogden, Utah), March 8, 1943, page 10.

But not everyone was opposed to the ban.  Some people liked cutting their own bread and blamed the backlash on “a sustained howl of complaint from lazy housewives.”


The Whitewright Sun (Whitewright, Texas), March 11, 1943, page 4.

The earliest example of a non-bread-related comparison to sliced bread popped up in print in 1947:

Get a gun: neatest thing since sliced bread is the calking gun –


The Morning Herald (Hagerstown, Maryland), January 15, 1946, page 22.

Apart from this single, isolated instance, I could not find another example until four years later.  There was no sign at the time that “sliced bread” would eventually become the gold-standard of innovation.  And in any case, the form of the expression, “the best thing since [fill in the blank],” was a well established advertising cliché long before Otto Rohwedder perfected pre-sliced bread, although for the most part, such comparisons related in some logical way to the product being advertised. 

An advertisement for folding bicycles, for example, described a folding baby carriage as “the best thing since the jointed fishing rod” – and a folding bicycle was even better.


Saint Paul Globe (Minnesota), June 30, 1895, page 16.


One Broadway musical was compared to another:

Detroit Free Press (Michigan), April 4, 1897, page 23.


One western novel to another western novel:

Great Falls Tribune (Great Falls, Montana), July 5, 1920, page 4.


A new game to an old game - "It's the greatest thing since Monopoly!": 

Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, North Carolina), January 13, 1943, page 2.


And a pocket for your smokes was the greatest thing since the moisture-free cigarette pack:

Bristol Daily Courier (Bristol, Pennsylvania), March 9, 1931, page 3.


The Burlington Free Press (Burlington, Vermont), October 15, 1931, page 17.


During the late-1940s, this mode of advertising became a humorous catch-phrase of sorts, “the best/greatest thing since [insert ironic, humorous, unexpected thing here].”  In 1946, for example, a jazz musician was described as the “greatest thing since Benzedrine [(an amphetamine)].”


Pittsburgh Press (Pennsylvania), February 17, 1946, page 38.

In December 1948, the Broadway press agent, Spencer Hare, invited New York entertainment columnist Mel Heimer to a luncheon prepared by his new, young client, a singer named Miss King (whose real last name was DiMaggio).  They were joined at lunch by “a piano player, his wife, who sings; a lady songwriter and a gentleman who makes plastic things for handbags.”  “The best thing since” joke played an important role in their witty banter:

“Greatest thing since rubber gloves,” Mr. Hare said solemnly, commenting on Mr. [Milton] Berle.  “Greatest thing since 7-Up,” the lady songwriter added. . . .

While we carried on the conversation in regular Broadway style, meaning we each waited not so patiently for someone else to stop talking, so we could dart in with our own tidbits.  Miss King kept bringing in mammoth plates of Italian food . . . .  She eyed me darkly “You like it, don’t you, S[pencer, dear?” she asked of Mr. Hare righteously.  “Love it,” he said, mouth full of sausage.  “Greatest thing since rubber gloves.”

The lady songwriter announced at this point that she had cooked a 25-pound turkey on Thanksgiving Day.  We all raised our eyebrows politely and said “My!” enthusiastically.  I didn’t think this was exactly the right spot for another “Greatest thing since,” so I kept silent. . . .

Finally it was time to go.  “I hope you enjoyed it,” Miss King said, uncertainly.  I am not one to let an opportunity to slip by.  “Greatest thing since rubber gloves,” I said, beaming, and I backed off into the normal, or dull, world outside.

The Circleville Herald (Circleville, Ohio), December 8, 1948, page 6.

By 1949, the over-the-top, exaggerated comparisons were everywhere.

General Electric called its dishwasher “The Greatest Thing Since Water was Invented.”

Oakland Tribune (California), November 14, 1949, page 15.


A roller derby promoter called TV “the greatest thing since the discovery of fire” (football and baseball executives were undecided).[i]

Ingrid Bergman’s performance in Joan of Arcwas all the proof necessary Mel Heimer needed to decide that she was “not the greatest thing since strawberry cheesecake.”[ii] 

A columnist bragged that a “Peepin’ Penelope” thought his “’49 Notebook will be the greatest thing since God made little green apples.”[iii]

It is not clear whether “sliced bread” won out merely because of the widely familiar line of bread advertisements, or whether some person using the expression, or some event in which it was used, caught the public's fancy.  “Sliced bread” became a common point of comparison in 1951.

A New York gossip columnist’s little sister believed that Farley Granger was the “greatest thing since sliced bread”[iv]and a Washington DC society columnist believed that men “are the greatest thing since sliced bread.”[v]

Television comedian Red Skelton believed that television was “the greatest thing since sliced bread.”[vi]

A drama critic lamented the fact that, “a certain segment of the patrons hailed the psychological production as the greatest forward step since sliced bread” (he blamed Oklahoma for starting the trend).[vii]

And a fashion reporter was happy to know that:

. . . a firm has come up with the greatest invention since sliced bread. (From a woman’s point of view, of course.) It’s a zipper that cannot snag or tear fabric, that will not break if it does catch.[viii]

This new zipper, of course, was not the first zipper – it was just an improvement on the old zipper.

Similarly, Otto Rohwedder’s bread slicing machine was not the first bread slicing machine – it was an improvement over earlier designs.  People had been trying to perfect an automated bread slicing machine for years without success, which makes Rohwedder’s overnight success in 1928 even more remarkable. 


The History of Sliced Bread

Otto F. Rohwedder did not invent sliced bread.  That honor probably goes to an anonymous, stone-age, hungry neighbor of the person who invented bread about 30,000 years ago – let’s say a hungry Fred Flintstone and a clever Barney Rubble.

Mechanical bread slicers date back to at least the 1840s.  

1847:

1908:




1909:



1911:


1917:

A Perfect Bread Slicing Machine for the Commissariat

A new bread-slicing machine . . . slices an entire loaf at one operation without crushing, tearing, or breaking the slices.

A number of knives, supported in two frames, are operated vertically and simultaneously but in opposite directions.  When one set of knives is traveling up, the other set is traveling down.  By this arrangement the friction in the slicing operation is counteracted and the softest and hardest baked loaf can be sliced equally well.

In the early 1920s, the Liberty Bread-Slicer Company of Rochester, New York marketed automatic bread-slicers to hospitals and restaurants.  Otto Rohwedder had a similar ambition:

Mr. Rohwedder began work on his first bread slicer, intended for use in hotels and restaurants to slice one loaf of bread at a time, as a hobby while he was in the jewelry business.

Battle Creek Enquirer (Battle Creek, Michigan), September 7, 1952, page 29.

He abandoned his plans, however, when his first model was ruined in a fire and was not covered by insurance.

Otto F. Rohwedder was born in Davenport, Iowa in 1880 and spent most of his life there.  As a young man he learned the jewelry business working for Fred Bluer’s jewelry store across the river in Rock Island, Illinois.  In 1901 he moved to LeMar, Colorado to manage another one of Bluer’s jewelry stores.  He married Carrie Johnson in 1905 and they eventually lived in St. Joseph, Missouri where, from at least 1914 through 1916, he and his partner P. P. Freymann operated two jewelry stores, one on St. Joseph, Missouri and the other in Troy, Kansas.

St. Joseph Observer (St. Joseph, Missouri), July 29, 1916, page 8.


He left the jewelry business on his doctor’s recommendation when he was given a year to live during a bout with pneumonia.  He spent the next year perfecting his first bread slicer design.

The Maple City Stamping Company of Monmouth, Illinois was set to manufacture his slicer in 1917.  But his plans changed when the building, along with his model slicer, burned to the ground.  

Rohwedder then put his plans on hold for several years while working for the investment firm of J. E. Drysdale & Co. of Davenport, Iowa.  In 1922, when he was a Vice President of the firm, he spoke before a group of students of the Chillicothe Business College, in Chillicothe, Missouri.  His talk reflected his own experience, and foretold his future success:

“Discouragements should be just the stepping stones to success,” according to Mr. Rohwedder, “and should not be taken in any other light because most of our successful men of the past have followed this method in their life.”

The Chillicothe Constitution-Tribune(Chillicothe, Missouri), October 4, 1922, page 20.

This talk may also be where Rohwedder ran across an investment opportunity in the bread business.

In 1920, Marion Franklin (“Frank”) Bench, a baker from Chillicothe, Missouri, received a patent for his design of a collapsible bread-box, “a sanitary bread box that would occupy a little space when empty.”  In 1987, his widow described it as “a steel frame with foldable hard cardboard sides that could lay flat when not in use.”  The process of bringing his bread-box to market brought together all the parties who brought sliced bread to the masses several years later.



It is not clear exactly how or why, Rohwedder met Bench, but it could have been as a result of the lecture in Chillicothe in 1922.  Bench was a man with an invention.  Rohwedder was Vice President of an investment firm, presumably always on the lookout for new investment opportunities. 
In 1923, Rohwedder invited Bench to Davenport, Iowa to prepare the design for market.  They arranged manufacturing through the Micro-Machine Company of Burlington, Iowa. 

Shortly after selling their first boxes, Rohwedder and Bench were granted an audience with the United States Postal Service to discuss a presumably lucrative government contract – no news on whether they succeeded or not.

Chillicothe Constitution-Tribune (Chillicothe, Missouri), November 8, 1923, page 1.

Five years later, Micro-Machine also manufactured Rohwedder’s first bread-slicing machines and installed the first one in Bench’s bakery in Chillicothe, Missouri. 

At an interview at his home in Michigan in 1952, Rohwedder said that he returned to work on his bread-slicing machine again in 1922 (Battle Creek Enquirer, September 7, 1952, part II, page 11), perhaps spurred by his connection with Bench and their work on the collapsible bread box.  

Rohwedder eventually left his position with the investment firm to concentrate on perfecting his bread slicer.  He filed his first patent application in July 1926, and later filed a series of patent applications, continuations and continuations-in-part, from which at least four patents issued, covering two types of bread-slicing machines and ancillary elements of the bread slicing and wrapping process.

His first patent related to a machine for holding the loaf in place as it was sliced and wrapped.  Holding the loaf tightly together as the loaf was cut and wrapped was intended to inhibit the bread drying out so that it would stay fresh longer:


Bread-Fastening Machine, Otto F. Rohwedder, August 28, 1928, based on an application filed July 10, 1926.

His second patent related to a “wireworking machine”[ix]that made the pins with which early loaves of sliced bread were held together.  Since early sliced bread was wrapped in waxed paper, instead of the now familiar air-tight, plastic sleeve/bags, it was believed that holding the loaf together tightly with pins preserve freshness longer.  The first sliced bread machines also placed the loaves in a cardboard tray, although the cardboard was soon omitted when it was found that it imparted an unsavory taste to the bread.

The Scranton Republican (Scranton, Pennsylvania), August 13, 1929, page 6.

Star Tribune (Minneapolis, Minnesota), March 20, 1931, page 23.

A third patent was for a bread slicer with reciprocating blades, drawn back and forth across a loaf in the way a person might use a bread knife.  One aspect of his invention was to feed the bread into the blades slowly at an angle, so the blades cut at the corner first, and then increasing the speed and tilting the bread to perpendicular only after the cuts were started.  This was believed to prevent the blades from deforming the soft crust of freshly baked bread:


Bread Slicing Machine, US 1,935,996, O. F. Rohwedder, November 21, 1933, based on an application filed September 26, 1929 (a continuation-in-part of earlier applications filed July 5, 1928 and February 9, 1929).

A fourth patent covered an improved bread slicer that used an array of band-saws, instead of the reciprocating blades of the first.


Machine for Slicing an Entire Loaf of Bread at a Single Operation, US Patent 1,867,377, O. F. Rohwedder, July 12, 1932, based on an application filed November 26, 1928.

Rohwedder partnered with George McClelland to form the Mac-Roh Company to develop and market the machines.  George McClelland was the heir to the T. M. McClelland fortune.  T. M. McClelland was a carpenter and builder in Davenport, Iowa in the 1850s[x]and later formed a “Sash, Door & Blind Manufactory.”[xi]  In the early 1920s, the T. M. McClelland company had become the “millwork of the Gordon Van Tine company, one of the largest manufacturers of ready-cut homes in the country.”[xii] 

T. M. McClelland, “one of the wealthiest citizens of Davenport,” died in 1902.[xiii] His son, George, was the beneficiary of what must have been a very large trust.  In 1923, George McClelland won a lawsuit to receive $80,000 of disputed trust dividends, over and above his normal trust payments.  Perhaps he used this windfall to fund Rohwedder’s bread-slicing venture.

Mac-Roh arranged for the Micro-Machine Company to manufacture the machines and the first one in Frank Bench’s Chillicothe Baking Company.

The first pre-sliced loaves of bread were put on sale on July 7, 1928:



The Chillicothe Baking Company has installed a power driven multi-bladed bread slicer which performs a feat which heretofore had been considered by bakers as being impossible – namely, the slicing of fresh loaves.

Shortly after the loaves leave the oven and prior to the time when they are sent through the wrapping machine they are sliced by the Rohwedder Bread Slicer. . . . There is no crumbing and no crushing of the loaf and the result is such that the housewife can well experience a thrill of pleasure when she first sees a loaf of this bread with each slice the exact counterpart of its fellows. . . .

Chillicothe may well be proud of the fact that the launching of this service was entrusted to a local organization – the first bakers who have ever sold commercially sliced bread to the public.

Does this sound the death knell of the bread knife?  Perhaps not for some time.  It will however remove from many homes the chore of keeping the bread knife sharp in order to cut slices that can never compared to the slices of the Kleen-Maid loaves that will be on sale at all grocers starting tomorrow.


It was the best thing . . . 

     . . . since wrapped bread.



[i]“Mixed Reaction Follows TV Debut on Pacific Coast’s Sports Scene,” Hal Wood (UPI), The Times (San Mateo, California), August 8, 1949, page 11.
[ii]“My New York,” Mel Heimer, Las Cruces Sun-News (Las Cruces, New Mexico), June 3, 1949, page 4.
[iii]“Billy Rowe’s Notebook,” Billy Rowe, The Pittsburgh Courier (Pennsylvania), January 29, 1949, page 20.
[iv]“Stewart Granger has the Girls Swooning,” Dorothy Kilgallen, Star Tribune (Minneapolis, Minnesota), March 9, 1951, page 6.
[v]“Washington Whirl,” Eloise McElhone, The Cumberland News (Cumberland, Maryland), September 5, 1951, page 7.
[vi]“Radio and Television,” John Crosby, The Daily Times (Salisbury, Maryland), January 5, 1952, page 10.
[vii]“Fun is Back – and Welcome – in Café Shows,” Will Leonard, Chicago Tribune, August 10, 1952, Section 2, Page 4.
[viii]“Gowns have Foolproof Zippers,” Gaile Dugas, Warren Times Mirror (Warren, Pennsylvania), November 26, 1952, page 21.
[ix] Wire-Working Machine, Otto F. Rohwedder, December 17, 1929, based on an application filed January 26, 1928.
[x]Davenport Daily Gazette (Davenport, Iowa), December 3, 1857, page 1 (“[T]he plan [for the Cook and Sargent Banking Building was] submitted to the builder, Mr. T. W. McClelland, of this city, last March . . . .”).
[xi]The Davenport Daily Gazette (Davenport, Iowa), April 6, 1868, page 4.
[xii]Davenport Democrat and Leader (Davenport, Iowa), March 13, 1924, page 15.
[xiii]Rock Island Argus and Daily Union(Rock Island, Illinois), January 27, 1902, page 3 (“T. W. McClelland, one of the wealthiest citizens of Davenport, was found dead in a chair at his home yesterday morning, having died of heart disease.”).

Balloons, Bread and Flour - a History of Wonder Bread

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One distinguishing characteristic of American popular culture is its spongy, white bread.  Disdained by American elitists, Europeans and many others, nothing says ‘Merica like soft, white sandwich bread.  

And nothing says white bread like Wonder Bread.

The Taggart Baking Company of Indianapolis, Indiana introduced Wonder Bread in 1921.  Although Wonder Bread is frequently (yet mistakenly) credited with inventing pre-sliced bread and popularizing the idiom, “the best thing since sliced bread,” early Wonder Bread was not sliced.  But it did have the familiar, colorful balloon logo.  

Indianapolis News, May 21, 1921, page 3.
 
Indianapolis News (Indiana), May 25, 1921, page 18.

Look for the WONDER WRAPPER with the many colored balloons.


When the Continental Baking Company bought the Taggart Baking Company in 1925, they continued producing Wonder Bread and turned it into a national brand.


St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), May 4, 1928, page 35.

A BEAUTIFUL WONDER BALLOON WITH SQUAWKER IS WRAPPED IN EVERY LOAF OF WONDER BREAD


Shortly after the Chillicothe Baking Company of Chillicothe, Missouri introduced pre-sliced bread in July 1928,[i] Wonder Bread introduced a pre-sliced version which they sold side-by-side with unsliced bread for traditionalists.

Los Angeles Times (California), April 22, 1930, page 27.
 Wonder-Cut Bread is made exactly as is regular Wonder Bread.  The same fine ingredients.  The same slo-baking process.  All we do is slice it for women who prefer ready-to-use bread.


When sliced bread became more widespread, several bread brands began advertising each new advance in bread technology as “the best thing since sliced bread.”[ii] However, I could not find a single example of an advertisement for Wonder Bread with the expression or anything like it, so they did not appear to have had a hand in coining or popularizing the expression. 

By the 1960s, Wonder Bread was one of the most recognizable and ubiquitous American brands.  Together with its other products, Twinkies, Ding Dongs, Ho Hos, and Hostess Cupcakes and Fruit Pies, the Continental Baking Company built a nationwide baking empire. 

The cool name and colorful logo may have played a role in its success.  Wonder Bread’s official history claims that its name and logo were inspired by balloon races in its hometown:

With a name inspired by the “wonder” of the International Balloon Race at the Indianapolis Speedway, Wonder Bread soon became a common sight in kitchens across America.


But the official story has a couple issues.  First, the Indianapolis Speedway never hosted the “International Balloon Race, and second, the story about the name does not account for all of the other products called “Wonder Something-or-other” or all of the bread and flour products called “Wonder Bread,” “Wonder Flour” and “Wonder Bread Flour.”


National and International Balloon Races

In 1906, millionaire playboy, businessman, sportsman and owner of the New York Herald, James Gordon Bennett, Jr., sponsored the first Gordon Bennet Cup balloon race.  The race, held annually from 1906 through 1939 (except for a seven-year hiatus for World War I) was generally referred to in the press as the International Balloon Race. 

In 1907 and 1908, political cartoons depicted the presidential campaign as a National Balloon Race.

A cartoon in 1907 showed the leading contenders vying for the title:

Journal Gazette (Mattoon, Illinois), October 24, 1907, page 1.

In 1908, a cartoon projected the winner – William Howard Taft:

Daily Scioto Gazette (Chillicothe Ohio), September 1, 1908, page 5.

In June of 1909, the Aero Club of America organized the first actual National Championship Balloon Race.  Images of the 1909 event illustrate how the event could have inspired Wonder Bread’s balloon logo design.

 
The Indianapolis News (Indiana), May 24, 1909, page 10.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), June 7, 1909, page 9.
 
Aeronautics, Volume 5, Number 1, July 1909, page 22.


The Indianapolis Speedway also hosted the second annual National Balloon Race in 1910.  The following nine annual National Balloon Races were held in Kansas City, St. Louis, Oklahoma, and Birmingham, Alabama.

So why the eleven-year delay between the National Balloon Races in Indianapolis and the new Wonder Bread logo of 1921?  It is possible, I suppose, that the owner, or whoever was responsible for the design, could have had fond memories of the event. 

It is also possible that the new logo was designed in 1920, in anticipation of the International Balloon Race slated to take place at the Speedway – until they were cancelled for want of gas. 

The Call-Leader (Ellwood, Indiana), August 21, 1920, page 6.

Indianapolis. – Plans for national and international balloon races scheduled to start from the Indianapolis motor speedway in September and October came to a dead halt when J. Dorsey Forrest, general manager of the Citizens’ Gas company, notified the speedway authorities that his company could not supply gas to inflate the balloons.  The critical condition of fuel supply is Mr. Forrest’s reason for refusal.  He declared that such a use of gas at this time, in his opinion, would be “criminal.”

The Jasper Weekly Courier (Jasper, Indiana), August 20, 1920, page 6.

The races were eventually moved to Birmingham, Alabama.

The National Balloon Race returned to Indianapolis again in 1923, two years after Wonder Bread’s balloon logo made its debut.  But the return was marred by tragedy when the United States Navy’s entry disappeared in Lake Michigan and its two pilots, Lieutenants L. J. Roth and Telford B. Null, died.


The Muncie Evening Press (Muncie, Indiana), July 10, 1923, page 1.

Wonder Bread’s luck was much better.
                                
But whether the logo’s design was based on eleven-year old memories of the National Balloon Races of 1909 and 1910 or the cancelled International Balloon Race of 1920, the story about the origin of the Wonder Bread’s logo generally makes sense.

The story about the origin of its name is less convincing. 


“Wonder” Trademarks

Balloon races were certainly a “wonder” to behold, but “wonder” was also a common word in trademarks for any number of products throughout the years and decades before 1921:

Los Angeles Herald (California), March 17, 1907, page 81.

Princeton Union (Princeton, Minnesota), June 11, 1909, page 6.

The Ranch (Seattle, Washington), March 15, 1910, page 4.


Montpelier Examiner (Vermont), April 24, 1914, page 4.

Rogue River Courier (Grants Pass, Oregon), September 12, 1917, page 4.

And more specifically, “Wonder Bread,” “Wonder Flour” and “Wonder Bread Flour” were available in markets throughout the United States for nearly three decades before Taggart’s Wonder Bread hit the shelves of Indianapolis in 1921.


Wonder Bread – Wonder Flour

In the mid-1890s, “White Wonder Flour” was available in Northern New York and in Washington DC.

Hammond Advertiser (Hammond, New York), March 15, 1894, page 2.
 
Evening Star (Washington DC), November 2, 1894, page 8.

In the late-1890s, you could get “wonder bread,” and “wonder flour” and “wonder bread flour” in Western New York:

Don’t you know that Wonder breadremains fresh longer than other bread?

Buffalo Commercial (Buffalo, New York), January 3, 1896, page 11.

- Children cry for it, Wonder Bread.
- Don’t be foolish. Buy Wonder flour.
- Is your bread always good?  If not try Wonder Flour.
- Wonder Flour is a good thing. Rush it along.

Westfield Republican (Westfield, New York), October 21, 1896, page 5.

- In everybody’s mouth – Wonder bread.
- A pointer for you!  Use Wonder flour.

Westfield Republican (Westfield, New York), November 18, 1896, page 5.

It's Better to laugh than to cry;
It's better to live than to die.
It's better to dine on "Wonder" bread,
Than to eat the kind that's as heavy as lead.

 Buffalo Commercial (Buffalo, New York), April 15, 1897, page 12.


Daily Palladium (Oswego, New York), May 27, 1898, page 8.
Wonder Bread Flour


The Lake Superior Mills of Superior, Wisconsin advertised “Wonder Flour” and “Wonder Bread” using the same poem used in Buffalo, New York a couple weeks later, suggesting a possible connection between the two:

It’s better to laugh, than to cry,
It’s better live, than to die,
It’s better to dine on Wonder bread,
Than to eat the kind that’s as heavy as lead.
 
Weekly Northwestern Miller (Minneapolis, Minnesota), Volume 43, April 2, 1897, page 518.

 Another advertisement from Wisconsin in 1897 used bullet points similar to those used in Buffalo in 1896, also suggesting a connection between the two.

Eau Claire Leader (Eau Claire, Wisconsin), November 5, 1897, page 5.

“White Wonder Flour” and “White Wonder Bread Flour” was advertised in Vermont in 1907 and 1908, and ads for “Wonder Bread Flour” appeared in Vermont in 1919:

The Barre Daily Times (Barre, Vermont), December 16, 1907, page 8.
 White Wonder Flour!


Burlington Free Press (Burlington, Vermont), August 26, 1919, page 7.
 Omar Wonder Bread FLOUR



“Grandma’s Wonder Flour” and “Grandma’s Wonder Bread” was offered for sale in Tennessee from 1907 through 1917.

Nashville Globe (Nashville, Tennessee), November 24, 1911, page 5.
Grandma’s Wonder Flour
Grandma’s Wonder Bread


During World War I, a corn-based, wheat flour substitute was called a “Wonder-Flour” in Ohio:

Fulton County Tribune (Wauseon, Ohio), May 17, 1918, page 11.

“Wonder Bread Flour” was even advertised in Indiana in 1919. 


Fort Wayne Sentinel, December 18, 1919, page 16.


So what’s behind all of the various “wonder” breads and flours?  There is no particular indication that most of them were related to one another.  It could be a coincidence, with each company using the common advertising word “Wonder” in its name.  Or perhaps the widespread use of “Wonder” in association with bread and flour was inspired by a “Little Wonder” that made a big splash in the flour milling business in the 1890s and early 1900s.


“Little Wonder” – Flour Milling Machine

In 1889, Dobson, Crawford & Company of Cleveland, Ohio offered its “Little Wonder” introduced a new flour milling machine.  Described variously as a flour reel, scalper, grader and/or dresser, it was basically an industrial-scale sifter, used for sorting out varying grades of wheat. 


The American Miller (Chicago, Illinois), Volume 17, Number 6, June 1, 1889, page 400.
The American Miller (Chicago, Illinois), Volume 17, Number 6, June 1, 1889, page 400.

The “Little Wonder” appears to have been a very successful product.  It was offered for sale and in continuous, widespread use in the flour milling industry for several decades.


The Weekly Northwestern Miller(Minneapolis, Minnesota), Volume 30, Holiday Number, Christmas 1891, page xlix.


In 1893, the company that manufactured the “Little Wonder” crowed about its “conquest of Buffalo.”  Coincidentally (or perhaps not?), Buffalo is located in the middle of the region in western and northern New York where many of the early advertisements for “Wonder Flour” and “Wonder Bread” appeared.

The Roller Mill (Buffalo, New York), Volume 12, Number 2, August 1893, page 75.

The Roller Mill (Buffalo, New York), Volume 16, Number 7, January 1898, page 375.

The American Miller (Chicago, Illinois), Volume 36, Number 4, April 1, 1908, page 262.

 Monarch Flour Milling Machinery Catalogue No. 115, Muncy, Pennsylvania, Sprout, Waldron & Co., undated (before 1916[iii]), Page 76.




Makes You Wonder

The “Little Wonder” flour dresser reel may or may not have influenced the use of “Wonder Bread,” “Wonder Flour” and/or “Wonder Bread Flour” throughout the 1890s and into the 1910s.  And the use of “Wonder Bread,” “Wonder Flour” and/or “Wonder Bread Flour” from Washington DC to Vermont, and in and around the Great Lakes region, in New York, Ohio, Indiana, and Wisconsin, may or may not have influenced the name Wonder Bread for bread produced by the Taggart Baking Company of Indianapolis, Indiana in 1921.

Or perhaps the “wonder” of the balloon races held periodically in Indianapolis influenced the word and the logo.
  










[ii]Ibid.
[iii]The catalogue is undated, but the preface notes their “nearly fifty years’” experience, and the company was established in 1866, so the date would presumably be somewhere between 1910 and 1915.

In a Toronto Minute? The Pre-History of "In a New York Minute".

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“In a New York minute” is an expression that refers to the fast pace of life in the Big Apple. 

The expression’s roots can be traced back to the 1820s, but not to New York City.  The “York” in the original expression, “in a York minute,” referred to York, the capital of Upper Canada.  The “Town of York” officially changed its name in 1834, reverting back to the original First Nation’s place name – Toronto. 




A “York Minute”


The earliest examples of the idiom in print were recorded by British travelers or emigrants to the United States and Canada illustrating the colorful manners and language of the local rustics for their British readership:

Thus we call the capital of Upper Canada York, because there is a York in England; and as this metropolis is not of very great extent, and very likely never will be, it is termed Little York.  Mr. Gourlay, for political reasons, conceives it to be very properly named, and plays away on the subject with considerable humour.  A York shilling not being as large as a British one, tends also to detract from the importance of the place.  It is a saying with the Americans, when they set about doing any thing quickly, “that they will do it in a couple of York minutes,” time being even considered of less moment at Little York than elsewhere.

Toronto was the Indian name of this place, which means the “Hut by the Lake.”

John Mactaggart, Three Years in Canada: an account of the actual state of the country in 1826-7-8, London, H. Colburn, 1829, Volume 2, page 359.


In a tavern in St. Catharine’s Ontario:

By the time they have all taken a “drink” or two a-piece, and swallowed a mouthful of water after it, you will hear “guessing” and “calculating” enough, undoubtedly, and something better, “I don’t think!” Be careful they do not tread on your toes at this time, and if you wish to retain a seat, do not get up from it even for a “York minute.”

Joseph Pickering, Inquiries of an Emigrant; being the narrative of an English farmer from the Year 1824 to 1830; during which time he traversed the United States and Canada, with a view to settle as an emigrant, London, E. Wilson, 1831, page 93.

In a tavern in Albany, New York:

Here, as in most of the large towns of the States, is a prevailing custom among the trades-people, and others resident in the town, of dining at the Tavern, from which custom the ladies are by no means exempt; the dinner hour is generally one o’clock, and is announced by the ringing of a bell, something like the custom in many of our small towns in England, on a market day; to assemble the farmers to the market table– In an instant you will find them assembling from all directions, and with a magical quickness that would remind you strongly of the wand of an Ella, or a Bologna, the company are seated to dinner; the ladies generally grouping themselves at one end of the table: the operation of dissection immediately commences, and in the space of something like a “York minute,” very many of the chickens, and other delicacies, will have performed a transit to the plates of the surrounding assailants, while the “Apple-sauce’ and “long sauce” will be making their evolutions and revolutions in every part of the table.

Anonymous Canadian Settler, The Emigrant’s Informant, or, A Guide to Upper Canada: containing reasons for emigration, who should emigrate, necessaries for outfit, and charges of voyage, travelling expences, manners of the Americans, London, G. Cowie, 1834, page 50 (italics in original).



In early 1834, legislators in Canada took action that would ultimately obscure the origin of the idiom:

– By accounts recently received from Upper Canada, it appears that the Legislative Assembly of that province has passed a Bill altering the name of their provincial capital from “Town of York” to “City of Toronto.” . . .  All newspapers, letters, &c. are now dated Toronto; and those who may have transactions with the capital of Upper Canada are now to address – “City of Toronto, late York.” – Cor. Of the Ayr Observer.).

“York (Upper Canada) Is No More,” The London Observer, May 25, 1834, page 4.




The decision was not unanimous:

Renaming York as Toronto angered some provincial legislators. During a March 1, 1834 debate in the assembly, detractors like William Jarvis claimed the change would cause confusion. John Willison felt it disrespected the memory of the most recent Duke of York, and pointed out that neither the state nor the city of New York had changed its name. Proponents of Toronto pointed out the name’s aboriginal origins and its meaning, which was then believed to be “meeting place,” and so was well suited to the seat of provincial government. Some legislators, such as William Berczy, felt Toronto rolled off the tongue better than York (“the sound is in every respect better”).



The idiom survived the name-change.  The next earliest example of “York minute” I could find was also from western New York.  An advertisement for a merchant promised:

In short, we are ready for trade, and we say to all, Give us a Call; and will satisfy you in a “York minute” there’s no use in looking any farther.

Penn-Yan Democrat (Penn Yan, New York), May 15, 1849, page 3.

But wherever it originated and whatever its original intent, it was not geographically confined forever, and would ultimately give way slowly to a “New York minute”:

The Daily Milwaukee News (Milwaukee, Wisconsin), December 29, 1858, page 1.



Although most of the early examples of “a York minute” seem to refer to something done quickly, an example from Buffalo, New York explains, consistent with the 1829 definition, that a “York minute” is not necessarily faster than a normal minute, but merely imprecise, which could, I suppose, be shorter or longer:  

“There is one portion of the day,” as your correspondent vedry justly remarks, “which may, with propriety, be called the ladies’ hour.  Just so.  That “hour,” however, is to the day, what the “York minute”[i] is to the ordinary hour; viz: two hours and a half.

The Buffalo Commercial (Buffalo, New York), November 24, 1860, page 3.

Some of the bloods who were out on New Year’s business Monday night went to Gilman’s Hall at 4 o’clock yesterday morning, and one of them who met two Germans in the passage with a boy who had received an injury to his leg in the Hall, took hold of the wounded limb and gave it a twist.  Although it was fun to the blood it was painful to the boy; his guardians stood upon the defensive, and both sides went to work “from the shoulder.” If any body supposes this transaction did not bring a crowd together in two York minutes . . . .

Hartford Courant (Hartford , Connecticut), January 2, 1861, page 2.


Hartford Courant, February 12, 1861, page 2.


Over time, as collective memory of the York, Upper Canada origins of the expression faded, the expression slowly became associated with a better known “York” – New York City.



The earliest example of “New York minute” appeared in 1870.  A man who discovered a “catamount,” or wildcat, under his bed had his pajamas ripped to shreds:

Hastly rising he jarken on his unmentionables, and, dropping on all fours, began to claw beneath the bed after the midnight intruder.  He found it, and in one-fourth of a New York minute all the clothes there were upon him would not have made a bib for a china doll.

The Post (Middleburg, Pennsylvania), September 15, 1870, page 1 (crediting the Titusville(Pennsylvania) Herald).

Interestingly, a partially copycatted article published three years later replaced the original “New York minute” with “York minute.”  But perhaps it was inevitable, as this story originated near Ontario in northern New York.  A “North Woods” trapper near Sacondaga Lake, New York came face to face with a black panther in a tree – he had a gun, but it didn’t stop the cat from ripping his clothes to shreds:

Had David quietly backed out, he could have enjoyed his supper of venison and pancakes.  But no, he raised the old rifle and fired.  In one-fourth of a York minute, Bill Stewart’s exact time for skinning a Montezuma bullhead, all the clothes upon him would not have made a bib for a china doll.

New York Times, December 31, 1872 (crediting the Auburn (New York) Advertiser, December 28, 1872).



Before 1870, the expression was generally confined to the northeastern United States.  But both the 1870 catamount story and the 1872 black panther story were reprinted in numerous newspapers across the country.  The wide circulation could have helped spread the idiom in both of its forms.

Numerous other examples of “York minute” appeared in print in American newspapers throughout the 1870s, ‘80s and ‘90s, but very few examples of “New York minute”. 

I found one, isolated instance in 1872:

The Osage County Chronicle (Burlingame, Kansas), February 29, 1872, page 3.



There is another possible, isolated instance from 1890, although the circumstances were such that it is not clear whether it is the idiom, or a literal reference to two minutes spent in New York City.  In a story in The New York Sun, a man mistakenly put his cigar into his pocket instead of his handkerchief; he was distracted while reading the Sun:

About two New York minutes slipped away into eternity.  Then the air was rent with a sudden war whoop, the sitter made a clean jump of six feet, and a second after getting his equilibrium he was tearing off his coat tails and dancing all kinds of jigs.

“The Sun Did It,” New York Sun, September 7, 1890, page 15.

Both “York minute” and “New York minute” appeared in print during the first decade or so of the 1900s:

Atchison Daily Champion (Atchison, Kansas), August 14, 1903, page 1.

In a story said to be from a court case in Clayton, New York, a man was acquitted of assault with a deadly weapon because he was only trying to get rid of the poor help:

The case looked pretty dark for Blackiston until he rose to plead his own cause.  He painted a picture of domestic infelicity with a maiden who was defiant as well as obstreperous and who refused to be discharged and appealed to the jurymen as husbands and fathers if it wasn’t about the only thing left him under the circumstances to play the gun bluff game.  All that he desired was for the rebellious young woman to leave the house and his bluff worked all right and perhaps prevented a scandal.  The jury acquitted him in twelve New York minutes.

The Des Moines Register, December 1, 1903, page 6 (crediting the Nebraska Journal).



The anecdote was not from New York, however.  It was based on the real-life trial of the Rev. Francis C. Blackiston, of Smyrna, Delaware who, early one morning threatened to shoot the head off his purportedly lazy, good-for-nothing maid:

Evening Journal (Wilmington, Delaware), November 3, 1903, page 1.
His oratorical and rhetorical skills, honed by more than a decade behind the pulpit, and a bit of pandering to a jury of (presumably) similarly aggrieved men, won the day.  He admitted the facts, but asked for mercy – and got it:

“Witnesses to-day have sworn against me, and what they say is about true.  On the morning of August 17 I came down stairs very late and no breakfast was prepared.  Miss York, although we had been trying to discharge her for two months, was lying lazily across the lounge.  She refused to get my breakfast and I drove her out.  She abused me and threatened me.

“Now, gentlemen, put yourself in my place.  I had to make my home safe.  I started around the house, and knowing that my gun would bluff her and rid us of her, took it to the front door.  Wouldn’t you, every one of you, have done the same thing?

“Gentlemen, think of my wife and child.  Send me to prison and they go without shelter, even food.  Surely you’ll have mercy upon my.”

His eloquence brought his acquittal and unlimited rejoicing.

Philadelphia Inquirer, November 3, 1903, page 1.

For less obvious reasons, the idioms “in a York minute” and “in a New York Minute” also disappeared at about the same time, until “in a New York minute” reappeared in Texas in the early 1950s.
 
New York Minute - the Olsen twins.

 



--------------------------

Note:



In an earlier post, I pushed back the earliest known use of the idiom, “New York minute,” by eighty years, from the early 1950s to 1870, but missed the business about the precursor idiom.  Mea Culpa.  See, Wildcats and Wildcatters – the Very Long History of a “New York Minute”.




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